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MORNING NEWS OFFICE.
"FREEMAN" & "DUBLIN EVENING TELEGRAPH,"
Sunday, 8 p.m.
E X T R A
Special Edition.
Assassination of the New Chief Secretary for Ireland and Mr. Burke.
Desperate Struggle in Phoenix Park.
T W O A R R E S T S.
DUBLIN, SUNDAY EVENING.
The special correspondent of the Press Association telegraphs as follows:—
No outrage of recent years has created anything like the excitement in the city last night, as the facts of the dual murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish, the newly appointed Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant, and Mr. Burke, the Under Secretary.
So atrocious seemed the bare rumour of the tragedy that it was received with general unbelief. No one would credit it; yet it gained astounding circulation in a short time, and public curiosity manifested itself by crowding round the newspaper offices, and actually besieged the Telegraphic Department in Sackville Street.
Few facts, however, were forthcoming except that the murder had been committed, and that both the Chief Secretary and Mr. Burke were dead. The newspaper offices were, as is customary on Saturday night, closed early; but the rumour of the terrible outrage brought back a number of officials of some of them, and by one o'clock an extra edition of the "Freeman" was published. Late though the edition was, and meagre the facts, the public appetite was insatiable.
It appears, according to the latest information, that Lord Frederick Cavendish and Mr. Burke were stabbed whilst walking in the Park, about half a mile from the city gate, and a quarter of a mile from the Chief Secretary's Lodge. Four men drove up the road on a car. Two of them jumped off the vehicle, and, attacking Lord Frederick and Mr. Burke, stabbed them several times in the throat and breast. Both gentlemen seemed to have struggled hard for life, and, in the endeavour to secure it, became separated, and the bodies were found some ten paces apart.
The tragedy was enacted at ten minutes past seven, in broad daylight. The information received at the Chief
Detective Office of the Metropolitan Police was, up to a late hour, confined to the mere fact that Lord Fred. Cavendish and Mr. Burke had been murdered. How, or by whom, or when, or where, were interrogatories that they either could not or would not answer.
The earliest intimation that the public had of the occurrence was in the Gaiety Theatre, Dublin City.—It was at first suggested that the performance should be stopped, but upon second thought it was feared that announcement upon the subject would lead to a panic, and save ahat the performance was curtailed in several respects the opera went on to the close. The theatre was emptied of its occupants about half-past ten, and then the news went round with astonishing celerity, leading to the popular inquisitiveness.
The bodies were discovered by a military officer, who was riding by.
Two medical men were quickly upon the scene, and the examination disclosed the fact that in both cases life was extinct. The upper part of Mr. Burke's body was perforated in a shoking manner, blows having been rained on it with a sharp instrument in a way shocking to contemplate.
The body of Lord Frederick Cavendish displayed similar dreadful wounds, with the addition that the left arm was broken and torn, as if he had put it up to protect his breast.
Both bodies were removed to Stephens Hospital, where they remain awaiting the inquest. The locality of the outrage is terribly marked with blood. The spot where Lord Frederick Cavendish's body was found being actually deluged, while Mr. Burke's body lay in a pool of blood only some 10 or 12 feet distance. Nothing was found in the neighbourhood of the bodies except the hats and umbrellas of the murdered men, though there had, no doubt, been a struggle desperate, but a brief one, no trace of it is discernible either on the gravel of the avenue where Lord Cavendish lay, or on the grass where that of Mr. Burke was discovered. As soon as the police appreciated the extent of the tragedy, the park gates were closed. A very considerable time, comparatively speaking, elapsed between the murder and the carrying out of the order to close the gates. There is no telegraphic communication between the gates of the park, and by the time the Chapelizod gate by which it is believed the murderers made their exit was locked, the party on the car had long before passed through.
The only through wire, I understand, running through the Park was put up by Mr. Forster, and connected the Chief Secretary's lodge with the Castle. A kind of scouting raid through the Park was made, but without success, and the only fact whereon hangs the chances of subsequent detection of the miscreants is that they were low-sixed hats, and seemed to be of the lower orders. A gentleman has informed me that about two o'clock he saw a country car of a peculiar and unquestionably noticeable build drive through Grafton Street. It had for its occupants four very suspicious looking fellows, with their faces blackened to a hue much between that of a blacksmiths' and a sweeps'. The car attracted his attention, being the only one in the street which at that hour on such a fine day as Saturday in the most crowded and fashionable thoroughfare in Dublin is usually through.
There may of course be no connection between this incident and the frightful tragedy in the Park, but the coincidence is worth mentioning, and possibly in the cases of arrests the fact of so many having seen these persons might result in simplifying identification, leaving it to the men themselves to explain their bona fides. I should add that they had low slouched hats, which to some extent concealed their faces.
Late last night Dr. White, the City Coroner, viewed the bodies in Stephens Hospital. They are laid out on beds in a small apartment, just as they were brought to the institution.
Mr. Burke had gloves on his hands, and these were saturated with blood, while his clothes were very much disarranged. Lord Frederick Cavendish wore gloves, but his attire was all pulled about.
Two arrests have been made—a carman and another man.
It is intended to publish a Three o'clock Edition of Monday's "Morning News" for Town Agents solely.

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CONSCRIPTION
WILBORN
WILLIAMS
WITH ADJOURNMENTS TO LONDON OPINION.
SIR EDWARD CARSON: "Frankly, I'm not all round your neck but everybody wants me to marry you for your Conscription Dowry."
Vote for MCCARTAN AND NO CONSCRIPTION.
Printed for the Candidate, Doctor Patrick McCartan, by O'Loughlin, Murphy and Boland Ltd., Dublin; and published by the Sinn Fein Election Committee, 6 Harcourt Street, Dublin.

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NO. 11.
CAN IRELAND STAND ALONE?
Is she Rich enough to set up as an Independent Nation?
These questions can be best answered by comparing Ireland with the small nations of Europe that prospered in Freedom.
See how Ireland holds her own in size:—
Area in square miles.
Belgium 11,373
Holland 12,582
Denmark 15,042
Switzerland 15,976
Ireland 32,531
Countries about the same size as Ireland are:—Serbia, 33,891 square miles; Portugal, 35,490; Greece, 41,933; Bulgaria, 43,305.
In population also she is well to the fore, as these figures show:—
Norway 2,396,782
Denmark 2,940,990
Switzerland 3,888,500
Ireland 4,390,219
The following are the figures for countries whose population in each case is about equal to that of Ireland—Serbia, 4,547,000; Bulgaria, 4,751,000; Greece, 4,821,300.
What do these small nations pay each year to run their business; and in most cases they do their business better than the big nations?
Here are the annual bills:—
Serbia
...
..
£5,250,000
Greece
...
.
£5,400,000
Switzerland
...
.
£7,000,000
Bulgaria
...
...
£7,000,000
Norway
...
...
£7,200,000
Denmark
...
...
£9,500,000
Dublin Castle rule cost Ireland last year £30,000,000, and this year £35,000,000.
All these small Powers mentioned above keep their own armies and three of them have fleets as well. It is cheaper, therefore, to be free than in slavery.
Liberty costs only 32/- per head in Bulgaria, 35/- in Serbia, 37/- in Switzerland, 40/- in Greece, 51/- in Sweden, 55/- in Portugal, and 60/- in Norway, while in Ireland subjection and corruption cost us 175/- per head.
In paint of trade Ireland whips all the other small nations hollow. Here are the figures for 1915, in each case taken from Whitaker's Almanac, 1917:—
Serbia
...
...
£9,500,000
Greece
...
...
£12,500,000
Bulgaria
...
...
£15,000,000
Portugal
...
...
£23,000,000
Roumania
...
...
£41,000,000
Norway
...
...
£42,000,000
Denmark
...
...
£65,000,000
Sweden
...
...
£75,000,000
while Ireland's trade for 1915 was £172,413,724.
Judged by any standard we may select, Ireland is admirably fitted for freedom. She is large enough, populous enough, and rich enough. For the money we paid England last year we could run the government business of Bulgaria, Norway and Denmark, paying for all their police, soldiers, ships and guns. Is not Ireland fooled and robbed long enough?
The hour for Freedom and the Irish Republic has struck.
Issued by Sinn Fein, 6 Harcourt Street, Dublin.
1/- per 100 to Clubs.
28/8/18.

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ὄάιὶ ἐἰρεαν
Ὀ Ε ΒΙΙ∑ ΣΟ ΝὈΕΔΡΙΝ ΔΡΙΜ ΣΑΘΡΑΝ ΡΟΒΙΔΘΕ ΘΙΡΕΔΙΝ Ὀ ΙΘΝΡΥΙΘΕ ΔΣΥΡ Ὀ ΔΘ-ΙΘΝΡΥΙΘΕ ΔΣΥΡ ΣΟ ΝὈΕΔΡΙΝ ΜΘΡ-ΘΥΙΟ Ὀ ΘΕΔΘΕΔΙΒ ΔΝ ΡΟΒΔΙΤ Δ ΘΡΕΙΣΘΑΝ Θ ὈΕΙΝΕΔΘ ΡΟΡΡΘΣΡΑΘ ΝΑ ΡΟΒΙΔΘΕ Δ Ο ΔΙΡΕ Δ 1916 Ὀ ὈΕΙΝ-ΝΥΙΣΘ ΔΣ ΘΙΟΝΘ ΘΟΡΝΥΙΣΘΕ Ὀ ΔΙΔ ΘΙΡΕΔΙΝ ΘΡΙ ΒΙΔΘΝ Δ Ὀ Δ ΘΙΡ, ὈΕΙΝΙΜΙΟ-ΝΑ ΘΡΕ Ν ΡΟΡΙΒΙΝΝ ΡΕΟ ΔΝ Θ-ΥΙΣΘΑΡΑΡ Δ ΘΥΣΑΘ Ὀ ΔΙΝΝ Ὀ Ο ΘΥΡ ΡΘ ΒΡΑΣΑ Ο ΘΟΜΑΡΙΤΕ ΔΝ ΔΙΡΙΜ ΜΑΡ ΙΡ Ὀ ΔΙΔ Ὀ ΔΙΝΝ, Ὀ Ο ΡΕΙΡ ΜΑΡ Ὀ Θ ΘΡΟΥΙΣ Ὀ ΔΙΤ ΘΙΡΕΔΙΝ Ο ΘΑΡΡΑΘ Δ 1921, ΙΡ ΜΑΡ Ὀ ΔΘ-ΘΡΟΥΙΣ ΔΝ Ὀ ΔΡΑ Ὀ ΔΙΤ Ι Ὀ ΘΡΑΘ.
ΔΣΥΡ ΡΙΝΝ ΔΣ ΘΥΡ ΔΝ Ὀ ΔΙΔΣΑΙΡ Δ ΒΙ ΜΑΡ Θ ΔΡΑΜ Ο ΙΝΙΣ Ο ΡΑΙΝΝ ΤΕ ΡΙΘΕ ΒΙΔΘΝ ΡΑ ΜΑΤΑΡΘ ΘΟΜΑΡΙΘΕ, ΜΟΤΑΜΙΟ ΣΟ ΡΟΝΝΜΑΡ Ὀ Ο ΜΟΥΝΝΘΙΡ ΝΑ ΡΟΒΙΔΘΕ Δ Ο ΙΡ ΒΑΤΕ ΔΣΥΡ Ὀ Δ ΘΑΙΡΟΙΒ Ο ΤΕ Ι ΣΘΕΙΝ ΙΔ Ο ΡΕΙΝ Ὀ Ο ΘΕΙΣΤΕ ΣΤΑΝ Θ Ν ΔΘΡΑΝΝ Δ ΒΙΟΡ ΜΑΡ ΡΙΟΡ-Θ ΔΡΑΜ ΔΡ ΡΙΔΣΑΤΑΡ ΣΑΘΡΑΝ ; ΔΣΥΡ ΘΟΜΑΡΙΤΙΣΜΙΟ Ὀ ΘΙΒ Θ ΘΡΟΙΘΕ ΣΑΝ ΔΟΝ ΡΡΘΙΡ Ὀ ΘΥΡ Ι ΡΝΑ Θ ΔΡΘΑΙΒ ΘΟΣΑΙΒ ΔΘ Θ Δ ΤΕΔΘΑΘ ΔΣ ΣΑΘΡΑΙΒ, ΘΙΡ ΙΡ ΡΘ-ΤΕΙΡ ΣΥΡ ΤΥΣΑ ΒΔΟΣΑΤ ΔΝ ΝΑΙΡΙ ΔΡΡΑ ΡΟ Ὀ Ο ΘΑΡΡΑΘ ΙΡ ΘΕΔΘ Ι ΣΘΟΣΑΘ, ΔΣΥΡ ΔΝ ΡΑΙΡΡΣΕ ΜΘΡ ΜΑΡ Θ Θ ΡΑΙΝ ΔΙΘΙ, ΝΑ ΝΑ ΝΑΙΡΙ ΒΕΔΣΑ ΔΘ Ι Ν-Δ ΤΥΙΣΕ Ι Ο ΙΡ ΣΑΘΡΑΙΒ ΙΡ ΔΝ ΘΙΡ ΣΥΡ ΜΙΔΝ ΤΕ ΡΙΔΣΑΤΑΡ ΣΑΘΡΑΝ Δ ΒΔΡΘΑΘ.
ΘΑ Ὀ ΘΘΑΡ ΘΡΟΙΘΕ ΔΣΑΙΝΝ ΔΣΥΡ ΡΙΝΝ ΔΣ ΤΕΔΣΑΘ ΑΡ ΣΘ ΔΡΑΜ Ο ΙΝΙΣ ΔΡ ΔΡΙΜ ΝΑ ΡΟΒΙΔΘΕ ΣΟ ΜΒΕΙΘ ΘΙΤΡΕ ΙΡ ΜΕΔΝΜΑ ΑΡ ΜΑΡΘΑΡ ΜΑΡ ΡΕΔΘ ΘΘΤΑΙΡ ΔΘ Ι ΝΣΑΘ ΘΕΙΜ Ὀ Δ ΣΘ Ο ΙΡ Θ ΘΙΟΒ ΙΡ ΙΔ Ο ΑΡ ΤΟΡΣ ΡΔΟΙΡΡΕ ΘΙΡΕΔΙΝ : ΔΡ ΔΝ ΙΝΘΙΝΝ ΡΙΝ ΘΡΔΟΒΡΘΔΟΙΤΘΕ ΔΝ Θ-ΥΙΣΘΑΡΑΡ ΡΟ ΡΘ ΤΑΜΑΙΒ ΑΡ Ο ΘΟΜΑΡΙΤΕ Ὀ ΔΙΔ ΘΙΡΕΔΙΝ .1. ΡΙΔΣΑΤΑΡ ΝΑ ΡΟΒΙΔΘΕ :
SEAN TA CEATLAI∑, CEΔIN COMARITE.
SEOIΡΡΕ NOBLE CONT TA ΡΤΙΥΙΝΣΘΕ I.
ΜΑΙΡΕ ΝΙΘ ΣΟΥΒΝΕ.
ΒΡΙΔΝ Θ ΝΤΙΣΙΝΝ.
ΤΙΤΤΙΔΜ Ρ. Ρ. ΣΘΟΤΑΙΣ.
ΘΑΘΤ Θ ΜΥΡΘΑΘΔ.
ΘΟΜΑΡ ΜΔΘΣΟΥΘΙΡ.
ΒΑΤΕ ΑΘΑ ΘΙΔΘ, ΔΝ Θ-ΘΘΜΑΘ ΤΑ ΘΕ ΜΙΙ ΝΟΤΤΑΣ Δ 1938.
ὄάιὶ ἐἰρεαν
IN CONSEQUENCE of armed opposition ordered and sustained by England, and the defection of elected representatives of the people over the period since the Republican Proclamation of Easter Week, 1916, was ratified, three years later, by the newly inaugurated Government of the Irish Republic, we hereby delegate the authority reposed in us to the Army Council, in the spirit of the decision taken by Dáil Eireann in the Spring of 1921, and later endorsed by the Second Dáil.
In thus transferring the trust of which it has been our privilege to be the custodians for twenty years, we earnestly exhort all citizens and friends of the Irish Republic at home and abroad to dissociate themselves openly and absolutely from England's unending aggressions; and we urge on them utterly to disregard England's recurring war scares, remembering that our ancient and insular nation, bounded entirely by the seas, has infinitely less reason to become involved in the conflicts now so much threatened than have the neutral small nations lying between England and the Power she desires to overthrow.
Confident, in delegating this sacred trust to the Army of the Republic, that in their every action towards its consummation they will be inspired by the high ideals and the chivalry of our martyred comrades, we, as Executive Council of Dáil Eireann, Government of the Republic, append our names:
SEAN TA CEATLAI∑, CEΔIN COMARITE.
SEOIΡΡΕ NOBLE CONT TA ΡΤΙΥΙΝΣΘΕ I.
ΜΑΙΡΕ ΝΙΘ ΣΟΥΒΝΕ.
ΒΡΙΔΝ Θ ΝΤΙΣΙΝΝ.
ΤΙΤΤΙΔΜ Ρ. Ρ. ΣΘΟΤΑΙΣ.
ΘΑΘΤ Θ ΜΥΡΘΑΘΔ.
ΘΟΜΑΡ ΜΔΘΣΟΥΘΙΡ.
DUBLIN, December 8, 1938.

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THE BRITISH EMPIRE UNLIMITED
FRENCH
KING GEORGE OF ENGLAND
HEALY
Branch Office:
Merrion Street
Dublin
GREENWOOD
MACREADY
O'HIGGINS
MULCAHY
Executed the following Soldiers of the Irish Republic
KEVIN BARRY, at Mountjoy, November 1, 1920.
CORNELIUS MURPHY, at Cork, February 1, 1921.
WEDMAS O'BRIEN, at Cork, February 28, 1921.
DANIEL O'CALLAGHAN, at Cork, February 28, 1921.
JOHN LYONS, at Cork, February 28, 1921.
WIN MCCARTHY, at Cork, February 28, 1921.
PATRICK O'MAHONEY, at Cork, February 28, 1921.
JOHN ALLEN, at Cork, February 28, 1921.
WEDMAS WHELAN, at Mountjoy, March 14, 1921.
PATRICK MORAN, at Mountjoy, March 14, 1921.
PATRICK DOYLE, at Mountjoy, March 14, 1921.
FRANCIS FLOOD, at Mountjoy, March 14, 1921.
BRENDAN RYAN, at Mountjoy, March 14, 1921.
THOMAS BRYAN, at Mountjoy, March 14, 1921.
THOMAS TRAYNOR, at Mountjoy, April, 1921.
PATRICK SULLIVAN, at Cork, April 29, 1921.
PATRICK RONAYNE, at Cork, April 29, 1921.
THOMAS MULCAHY, at Cork, April 29, 1921.
MAURICE MOORE, at Cork, April 29, 1921.
PATRICK CASEY, at Cork, May 2, 1921.
DANIEL O'BRIEN, at Cork, May 16, 1921.
THOMAS KEANE, at Cork, June 4, 1921.
EDMUND FOLEY, at Mountjoy, June 7, 1921.
PATRICK MAHER, at Cork, June 7, 1921.
JAMES FISHER, at Kilmainham, November 17, 1922.
PETER CASSIDY, at Kilmainham, November 17, 1922.
RICHARD TWOHIG, at Kilmainham, November 17, 1922.
ERSKINE CHILDERS, at Beggar's Bush, November 24, 1922.
JOSEPH SPOONER, at Dublin, November 30, 1922.
PATRICK FARRELLY, at Dublin, November 30, 1922.
JOHN MURPHY, at Dublin, November 30, 1922.
RORY O'CONNOR, at Mountjoy, December 8, 1922.
LIAM MELLOWES, at Mountjoy, December 8, 1922.
JOS. M'KELVEY, at Mountjoy, December 8, 1922.
RD. BARRETT, at Mountjoy, December 8, 1922.
STEPHEN WHITE, at Dublin, December 19, 1922.
JOSEPH JOHNSTON, at Dublin, December 19, 1922.
PATRICK MANGAN, at Dublin, December 19, 1922.
BRIAN MOORE, at Dublin, December 19, 1922.
PATRICK MOORE, at Dublin, December 19, 1922.
JAMES O'CONNOR, at Dublin, December 19, 1922.
PATRICK BAGNEL, at Dublin, December 19, 1922.
JOHN PHELAN, at Kilkenny, December 19, 1922.
JOHN MURPHY, at Kilkenny, December 19, 1922.
LEO. DOWLING, at Portobello, January 8, 1923.
SYLVESTER HEANEY, at Portobello, January 8, 1923.
LAURENCE SHEENEY, at Portobello, January 8, 1923.
ANTHONY O'REILLY, at Portobello, January 8, 1923.
TERENCE BRADY, at Portobello, January 8, 1923.
THOS M'KEOWN, at Dundalk, January 13, 1923.
JOHN M'NULTY, at Dundalk, January 13, 1923.
THEODERICK BURKE, at Roscrea, January 15, 1923.
PATRICK RUSSELL, at Roscrea, January 15, 1923.
MARTIN O'SHEA, at Roscrea, January 15, 1923.
PATRICK M'NAMARA, at Roscrea, January 15, 1923.
JAMES LILLIS, at Carlow, January 15, 1923.
JOHN DALY, at Tralee, January 20, 1923.
MICHAEL BROSNAN, at Tralee, January 20, 1923.
JAMES HANLON, at Tralee, January 20, 1923.
CORNELIUS M'NAMARA, at Limerick, January 20, 1923.
PATRICK HENNESSY, at Limerick, January 20, 1923.
THOMAS HUGHES, at Athlone, January 20, 1923.
MICHAEL WALSH, at Athlone, January 20, 1923.
HERBERT COLLINS, at Athlone, January 20, 1923.
STEPHEN JOYCE, at Athlone, January 20, 1923.
MARTIN BOURKE, at Athlone, January 20, 1923.
JAMES MELIA, at Dundalk, January 22, 1923.
JOS. FERGUSON, at Dundalk, January 22, 1923.
JOS. FERGUSON, at Dundalk, January 22, 1923.
MICHAEL FITZGERALD, at Waterford, January 22, 1923.
PATRICK O'REILLY, at Waterford, January 25, 1923.
PATRICK CUNNINGHAM, at Birr, Orially, January 26, 1923.
WILLIAM CONROY, at Birr, Orially, January 26, 1923.
PATRICK GERAGHTY, at Portlaoighise, January 27, 1923.
JOSEPH BYRNE, at Portlaoighise, January 27, 1923.
THOMAS GIBSON, at Maryboro, January 27, 1923.
JAMES O'ROURKE, at Dublin, March 13, 1923.
WILLIAM HEALY, at Cork, March 13, 1923.
JAMES PARLE, at Wexford, March 13, 1923.
PATRICK HOGAN, at Wexford, March 13, 1923.
JOHN CREANE, at Wexford, March 13, 1923.
LUKE BURKE, at Mullingar, March 13, 1923.
JOSEPH LARKIN, at Drumboe, Co. Donegal, March 14, 1923.
TIMOTHY O'SULLIVAN, at Drumboe, Co. Donegal, March 14, 1923.
DANIEL ENRIGHT, at Drumboe, Co. Donegal, March 14, 1923.
CHARLES DALY, at Drumboe, Co. Donegal, March 14, 1923.
JAMES O'MAHONEY, at Tuam, April 11, 1923.
FRANCIS MONAGHAN, at Tuam, April 11, 1923.
JOHN NEWELL, at Tuam, April 11, 1923.
JOHN MCGUIRE, at Tuam, April 11, 1923.
MARTIN MOYLAN, at Tuam, April 11, 1923.
BICHARD HATHEWAY, at Tralee, April 25, 1923.
JAMES MCEANEY, at Tralee, April 25, 1923.
PATRICK MAHONEY, at Ennis, April 26, 1923.
CHRISTOPHER HONEY, at Ennis, May 2, 1923.
WILLIAM SHAUGHNESSY, at Ennis, May 2, 1923.

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WHY YOU ARE MAKING WAR ON IRELAND !
"If on a fair trial it be found that Great Britain and Ireland cannot exist happily together as parts of one Empire, in God's Name let them separate."
LORD MACCAULEY. English House of Commons, February, 1888.
YOU have given this system 87 years trial. It has brought nothing but misery and disaster to Ireland. You are now making War upon Ireland to perpetuate upon her this system which has been such a tragic failure.
"It 'the British Authority in Ireland' is a system which is founded on the bayonets of 80,000 soldiers encamped permanently as in an hostile country."
JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN in 1885.
YOU are making War upon Ireland to-day in order to keep the Rule of the Bayonet a permanent thing in Ireland. Would the English people tolerate the rule of England by the bayonets of a Foreign Army of Occupation.?
"The Rights of Nations however small are as sacred as the Rights of the biggest Empires."
LLOYD GEORGE, 8th February, 1917.
YOU are making War on Ireland to-day in order to destroy the Rights of one Small Nation and to uphold a more Ruthless Militarism than Belgium knew during the War.
"You must set up a Government which the people want; otherwise it would be an outrage upon all the peoples for which we fought in the War."
LLOYD GEORGE, April 16th, 1919.
YOU are making War on Ireland to-day to destroy a Government which the Irish People want, and force upon them a Government which they will not have.
"It is the root principle of Democracy, that every organised people is the true, the authentic, the final and the only responsible judge of its own form of Government."
MR. ASQUITH, December 11th, 1917.
YOU are making War on Ireland to-day in order to destroy this root principle of Democracy in Ireland.
"No people must be forced under a Sovereignty under which it does not wish to live."
PRESIDENT WILSON, June, 1917.
YOU are making War on Ireland to-day to force the Irish Nation under a Rule which it detests.
"What we have got to guard against is minority Rule which takes no regard of the will or wishes of the Nation, and which is not influenced by public opinion—the Rule of men who in their insane vanity and conceit believe they are entitled to give a Government to a people which a people loathe and detest, and in regard to which they were never consulted."
WINSTON CHURCHILL, March, 1920.
YOU are making War on Ireland to-day in order to impose the will of a small insolent minority on the Irish Nation.
YOU ARE MAKING WAR ON IRELAND TO-DAY !
IN VIOLATION OF EVERY PRINCIPLE OF
— HONOUR, JUSTICE, MORALITY and DEMOCRACY. —
IF YOU DO NOT WISH THE NAME OF YOUR COUNTRY TO BE FOR EVER DISHONOURED
Stop your War on Ireland NOW !
Published by The Irish Self-Determination League of Great Britain

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REGINALD DUNN'S STATEMENT.
My Lord and Members of the Jury,—My friend and I stand here before you to-day charged with the offence of murder, and I have no doubt that from the evidence placed before you by the prosecution you will find us both guilty. With regard to the charges of attempted murder we merely fired, as everyone must know, to try and escape arrest.
The offence of murder is a very serious matter, and any act which results in the loss of human life requires very grave and substantial reasons. We have never until now been charged with any crime. As you have heard from the Police Officer who gave evidence as to our characters and our previous records, we have both been in the British Army. We both joined voluntarily for the purpose of taking human life, in order that the principles for which this Country stood should be upheld and preserved. Those principles, we were told, were self-Determination and Freedom for small Nations. We both, as I have said, fought for those principles and were commended for doing so, and I imagine that several of you gentlemen of the Jury did likewise. We came back from France to find that Self-Determination had been given to some Nations we had never heard of, but that it had been denied to Ireland. We found, on the contrary, that our Country was being divided into two countries; that a Government had been set up for the Belfast district, and that under that Government outrages were being perpetrated that are a disgrace to civilisation—many of the outrages being committed by men in uniform and in the pay of the Belfast Government. We took our part in supporting the aspirations of our fellow Countrymen, in the same way as we took part in supporting the nations of the world who fought for the rights of small nationalities.
Who was Sir Henry Wilson, what was his policy, and what did he stand for? You have all read in the newspapers lately, and been told that he was a great British Field Marshal, but his activities in other fields are unknown to the bulk of the British public. The nation to which we have the honour to belong, the Irish nation, knew him, not so much as the great British Field Marshal, but as the man behind what is known in Ireland as the Orange Terror. He was at the time of his death the Military Adviser to what is colloquially called the Ulster Government, and as Military Adviser he raised and organised a body of men known as the Ulster Special Constables, who are the principal agents in his campaign of terrorism.
My Lord and Members of the Jury, I do not propose to go into details of the horrible outrages committed on men, women, and children of my race in Belfast and other places in the jurisdiction of the Ulster Government. Among Irishmen it is well known that about 500 men, women, and children have been killed within the past few months, nearly two thousand wounded, and not one offender brought to justice. More than 9,000 persons have been expelled from their employment, and 23,000 men, women, and children driven from their homes. All the big cities of this country, and even those of Northern France, are now receiving these refugees. Sir Henry Wilson was the representative figure and the organiser of the system that made these things possible.
At his suggestion and advice the Ulster Parliament passed an Act authorising the flogging of political opponents, and this power is now exercised and enforced by the Courts in Ulster.
There is and can be no political liberty in a country where one political party outrages, oppresses, and intimidates not only its political opponents, but persons whose religious opinions differ from those of the party in power. The same principles for which we shed our blood on the Battle Field of Europe led us to commit the act we are charged with.
My Lord and Members of the Jury, you can condemn us to death to-day, but you cannot deprive us of the belief that what we have done was necessary to preserve the lives, the homes, and the happiness of our countrymen in Ireland. You may by your verdict consider us guilty, but we will go to the scaffold justified by the verdict of our own consciences.
Reprinted from the "Irish Independent,"
Friday, July 21, 1922.
Printed by BATTLEY BROS., Queen's Rd., Battersea, S.W.S., and published by J. H. MACDONNELL, 3-7, Southampton St., Strand, W.C.2.

--- Page 8 ---
SINN FEIN—The Fruitful Principle
In the course of an interview with Mr. W. H. Brayden, of the Associated Press of America, on July 20th, President de Valera made the following statement:—
“It is not the intention of the Republican Government or the Army Executive to renew the war in the Autumn or after the elections. The war, so far as we are concerned, is finished. Our present purpose is to work through the Sinn Fein political organisation. We intend to devote ourselves to social reform and to education and to developing the economic and material strength of the nation. We hope to organise and mobilise for the work all the best hearts and the best brains of our people. We shall endeavour to secure the co-operation of those of our race in other lands who are willing to help. We hope to prove how much more fruitful as a principle, and how much more potent as an instrument of government is the loving regard which attracts and inspires and elevates, than the domineering brutality which can only disgust and debase.
Politically, we shall continue to deny the right, and to combat the exercise of any foreign authority in Ireland. In particular we shall refuse to admit that our country may be carved up and partitioned by such an authority.
If there were a free election, so that the Republicans could adequately present their programme to the electorate, and if we were elected in a majority, our policy would be to govern the country on Sinn Fein lines as in 1919, refusing to co-operate with England in any way until England was ready to make with us such an arrangement as would make a stable peace possible, that is an arrangement consistent with the independence and the unity of our country and people as a single State.
If the present conditions of suppression continue, so that Republicans are precluded from appearing before the electorate and that we are elected in a minority, the elected Republican members will all refuse to take any oath of allegiance to the King of England, will meet apart and act together as a separate body working along Sinn Fein lines for the honour and welfare of our country and for her advancement among the nations.
This so-called “Treaty” is no more binding on the honour or on the conscience of our nation than Pitt’s Act of Union was. Each was ultra vires for the body of Irishmen that accepted it, and each was founded on fraud and force. The Irish people will yet get courage to destroy the one as they destroyed the other. England makes a mistake if she believes that she has now won over the Irish race. She has not. The new device will not shelter her for long. The new mask and the new shield we shall tear aside as we tore aside the old. Ireland will only be friends with England when England proves worthy of her friendship. That will only be when she acknowledges without reservation Ireland’s independence.
EAMON DE VALERA.
No. 7.
July 20th, 1923.
Printed by WHITELEY & WRIGHT, 30, Blackfriars Street, Manchester.

--- Page 9 ---
WHO STANDS FOR THE SOVEREIGNTY
OF THE IRISH PEOPLE?
By Eamon de Valera.
The following letter from President de Valera was read at the Meeting of Sinn Fein, at the Mansion House, Dublin, on July 17th, 1923:
"A Chairde Gaedheal:
... "That the entire ownership of Ireland, moral and material, up to the sun and down to the centre, is vested of right in the people of Ireland, that they, and none but they, are the land-owners and law-makers of this Island; that all laws are null and void not made by them, and all titles to land invalid not conferred or confirmed by them, and that this full right of ownership may and ought to be asserted by any and all means which God has put in the power of man."
That is the principle which we proclaim to-night and mean to stand upon. That was the faith of Fintan Lalor—it is our faith. That is what we mean by SINN FEIN—
... "Ireland her own—Ireland her own, and all therein, from the sod to the sky. The soil of Ireland for the people of Ireland, to have and hold from God alone who gave it—to have and to hold to them and their heirs for ever, without suit or service, faith or fealty, rent or render, to any power under Heaven."
And if this is not plain and concrete enough for those who will not see our objective, we can expand it still in the words of Lalor:
... "Not the constitution Wolfe Tone died to abolish, but the constitution Wolfe Tone died to obtain—Independence; full and absolute independence for this Island, and for every man (and woman) within this Island."
Who then stands for the sovereignty of the Irish people? This is no new-found faith with us. It was the faith that brought us to the side of Clarke, and Pearse, and Connolly. It was the faith later that brought us to the side of Cathal Brugha, when he stepped forward to take up Ireland's banner from where Clarke and Connolly and Pearse had laid it down in death, and it is because we have found it since to be the one true potent national faith that we have refused to abandon it, and that we reiterate it to-night in full confidence that those who believe will not be deceived, and that those whose task it will now be to raise the banner once more will rally the nation in this faith as they could by no other. We can have no quarrel then with those who really stand for the sovereignty of the people of this nation, and we have had no quarrel with them. Our quarrel has been with those who have conspired to hoodwink the people, who would deck them up with tinsel and tell them they had put royal robes upon them, who would practise upon them the arts of the mesmerist, and yet induce them to believe that their acts are of their own free will. We are ready, every one of us, to swear allegiance to the sovereign people of Ireland, but we will not swear allegiance to a puppet or an impostor, and we will never swear an oath of allegiance to a foreign king whether he be a symbol or a reality, nor will we ever become tools to execute the designs of a Lord Birkenhead or a Lloyd George.
Le meas mor agus le gach deagh ghuidhe,
Mise,
EAMON DE VALERA.
July 17th, 1923.
No. 6.
printed by WHITSLEY & WRIGHT, 50, Blacktriars Street, Manchester.

--- Page 10 ---
SINN FEIN
ELECTION MANIFESTO
The Sinn Fein Candidates in this Election stand as they have stood in every Election since 1917, for the unity and untrammelled independence of Ireland. Like Padraig Pearse they know but one definition of freedom--
“Absolute freedom, not the freedom of a geographical fragment of Ireland, but the freedom of all Ireland, of every sod of Ireland.”
Accordingly, they stand by the Republic, constitutionally proclaimed by the elected representatives of the people in January 1919, that Republic which has been consecrated by the blood of the best of our generation. They appeal to the people to be fair to themselves and fair to the nation, the generations dead and to come, they ask them to put craven counsels aside, to obey their nobler instincts, and once more to tell the world boldly what it is they truly in their hearts desire.
A couple of years ago it was our glory that we forced the British Prime Minister to confess--
“If you ask the people of Ireland what they would accept, by an emphatic majority they would say ‘We want Independence and an Irish Republic’—there is no doubt about that.”
Is the truth not the same to-day? Why should we fear to say it and confound the propagandists who have been telling the world the base lie that the Irish people have, of their own free will, chosen to become a partitioned British province.
The world is once more looking on. Shall it be said that this generation has turned renegade to the national faith and outdone the disastrous submission of the princes and prelates to Henry II. which brought us centuries of shame and sorrow.
God will be with the brave and the true. Where the will is, the way will not be wanting, and--to be brave is to be wise--for there can be no progress, no stability, no rest, for this nation so long as a single shred of foreign authority remains here.
EAMON de VALERA.
August, 1929.

--- Page 11 ---
THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT AND SINN FEIN.
The enemies of Sinn Fein contend that the British Government are anxious to help Sinn Fein. An example as to how the British Government helps Sinn Fein may be seen from the manner in which the Sinn Fein Manifesto for the General Election is mutilated by the Official British Press Censor in this country.
General Election. Manifesto to the Irish People.
(AS PASSED BY CENSOR.)
The coming General Election is fraught with vital possibilities for the future of our nation. Ireland is faced with the question whether this generation wills it that she is to march out into the full sunlight of freedom, or is to remain in the shadow of imperialism.
Sinn Fein aims at securing the establishment of that Republic.
1. By withdrawing the Irish Representation from the British Parliament and by denying the right of the British Government to legislate for Ireland.
3. By the establishment of a constituent assembly comprising persons chosen by Irish constituencies as the supreme national authority to speak and act in the name of the Irish people, and to develop Ireland's social, political and industrial life, for the welfare of the whole people of Ireland.
4. By appealing to the Peace Conference for the establishment of Ireland as an Independent Nation. At that conference the future of the Nations of the world will be settled on the principle of government by consent of the governed. Ireland's claim to the application of that principle in her favour is not based on any accidental situation arising from the war. It is older than many if not all of the present belligerents.
Sinn Fein stands for the Nation; it represents the old tradition of nationhood reasserting the inalienable right of the Irish Nation to sovereign independence; reaffirming the determination of the Irish people to achieve it, and guaranteeing within the Independent Nation equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens.
Believing that the time has arrived when Ireland's voice for the principle of untrammelled self-determination should be heard above every interest of party or class, Sinn Fein will oppose at the Polls every individual candidate who does not accept this principle.
The policy of our opponents stands condemned on any test, whether of principle or expediency. Any attempt to barter away the sacred and inviolate rights of nationhood begins in dishonour and is bound to end in disaster. The enforced exodus of millions of our people, the decay of our industrial life, the repeal of the Union, voiced by the first Irish Leader to plead in the Hall of the Conqueror to that of Home Rule on the Statute Book, and finally the contemplated mutilation of our country by partition, are some of the ghastly results of a policy that leads to national ruin.
By declaring their will to accept the status of a province instead of boldly taking their stand upon the right of the nation, they supply England with the only subterfuge at her disposal for obscuring the issue in the eyes of the world.
Sinn Fein goes to the polls handicapped by all the arts and contrivances that a powerful and unscrupulous enemy can use against us. Sinn Fein goes to secure the freedom of Ireland the British Government would destroy it. Sinn Fein however, goes to the polls confident that the people of this ancient nation will be true to the old cause and whose demand is that the only status besting this ancient realm is the status of a free nation.
ISSUED BY THE STANDING COMMITTEE OF SINN FEIN.

--- Page 12 ---
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
APPEALS TO THE I.R.A.
FRIENDSHIP WITH
BRITAIN
MR. GEORGE BERNARD SHAW, known to Europe and America as the greatest publicist of British Imperialism, surveys Ireland's position in the World-War from the new point of view imposed upon England by the colossal victories of Germany, and the certainty of the neutral nations of the World that the British Empire has crumbled.
He believes that with the aid of African Negroes, Indian Gurkhas and Irish Legionaries, English supremacy over the black races might still be maintained, provided all these could be induced to fight for the Empire against Herr Hitler. The Negroes and Indians should, he urges, be encouraged to die for Britain because Germany wishes a pure European race in the Reich, and the Irish should join them because Germany, unlike the British-supported regime of Craigavon, is anti-Catholic.
Here is Mr. Shaw's contribution to the squeals of the trapped rats of British Imperialism :—
"Our country is out of luck in this war. In the last one the Germans could not invade us for the simple reason that the Baltic sea could be only one at Germany's disposal, it was a long way to Tipperary. England could afford not only to leave Ireland undefended, but to amuse herself by bombarding Dublin in sheer devilment under pretext of capturing a single building occupied by a handful of men who in England would have
been starved out by the police in a few days
"The English are kindly enough until they are frightened; but when they are frightened they are capable of every heroism and every atrocity. And they forget all about both, the moment the emergency is over, whereas, we forget nothing, and are too busy remembering the Treaty of Limerick to consider where we stand with Adolf the Conqueror, whose claims on our attention are much more pressing than those of Brian Boru or Sarsfield.
"Ever since his conquest of France, Adolf commands the seaports of France; and Brest is not such a very long way from Tipperary. All the wonderful natural harbours of our west coast are open to him as far as we are concerned; for our four millions of Irish are no more able to stop him than Pearse and Connolly, de Valera and Cosgrave. Collins and Griffith were able to silence the British Batteries or wipe out the Black-and-Tans in 1916 and after. All we could do was to burn one another's houses, break down our own Bridges and shoot Collins.
BLACK-AND-TANS.
"If England had not been dependent on the United States for victory she could have exterminated those of us who were left after our efforts to exterminate one another. We might have been exterminated by the Black-and-Tans but for the revolt of the conscience of Mr. Churchill and other Englishmen against this logical end of the campaign.

--- Page 13 ---
————— PUT —————
—————
TO
—————
HIM —————
GET —————
HIM —————
IN —————
OUT —————
G —————
G —————
YOTE FOR
GRIFFITH
The Man in Jail for Ireland.

--- Page 14 ---
ODYSSEUS
IN MEMORY OF ARTHUR
GRIFFITH
You had the prose of logic and of scorn,
And words to sledge an iron argument,
And yet you could draw down the outland
birds.
To perch beside the ravens of your thought,
The dreams whereby a people challenges.
Its bounds, its dooms. In ungrown days we
knew you,
In ungrown days we heard you, and we heard
Amongst boys' voices and old men's voices
A man's full voice. The hillsides knew you,
too,
The deep sea knew you, where you'd swim
of mornings,
And we would call you by a kindly name.
And by that name I'd speak to you, and say:
"You were the one who knew
What sacred resistance is in men,
Broken almost; how, from resistance used
A strength is born, a stormy, bright-eyed
strength,
Like Homer's Iris, messenger of the gods,
Coming before the ships the enemy.
Has flung the fires upon. Our own, our
native strength
You mustered up." But I will never say it,
Walking beside you or looking on you
With your strong brow, and chin was like a
targe,
And eyes that were so kindly of us all.
And sorrow comes as on that August day,
With the ship cleaving towards our native
land,
And that news coming, sparkling through
the air,
That you were dead, and that we'd never see
you
Looking upon the State that you had
builded!
The news that came was like that weight of
waters
Poured on our hopes! Our navies yet
unbuilded,
Our city left inglorious on its site,
Our fields uncleared, and over
Our ancient house the ancient curse of war!
And could we pray, touching the island
homeland,
Other than this: "Odysseus, you who
laboured
So long upon the barren, outer sea,
Odysseus, Odysseus, you who made
The plan that drove the wasters from the
house,
And bent the bow that none could bend but
you.
Be with us till;
Be you the spirit watching in our house,
Be you the flame burning upon our hills."
PADRAIC COLUM.

--- Page 15 ---
ROYAL ARCH CHAPTER OF IRELAND
ROYAL TO G A O T
GRAND T O T T U
We the Most Excellent Grand Masters of the Grand Royal Arch Chapter of Ireland in due form assembled in Dublin
To all whom it may convert These are to CERTIFY that our Excellent Brother * * * John Hill The hasin the Maryin signed his name is a regular Royal Arch Mason admitted into our Hysteries in the Chapter of Rodge #125 meeting at Disblin and is RECESTERED in our Grand Chapter of Royal Arch in Dublin on the 21st day of February in the 21st day of MASONRY 1859 also Mark Master Mason In Gestmonty whereof we have subscribed our names and affixed the Deal of our Grand Chapter the 10th day of November in the year of our Lord 1859 and of MASONRY 1859
Onnes Quorum Interit See Litera certices facient Eximum Fratrem nostrum * * * Johanner Hill que nomem suum in Margine virginit esse regularem treu Regalis Architectem admissum in Masteris nostris Capituli Numerale 725 Conveniente aque Cabellie et in Archiera GRANDIS nostris CAPITULI relatis DUBLINI 21o die Intercassi Anno Artis Edificatorie 1859
In angus rei testimonium nomina nostra singuli subscripsimus et sigillum Grandis Nostri Capituli apposumus
Maria Nices Luis Anne Domini 1859 Artis Edificatorie 1859
John Hill
John Hill
Army Heaven
Go

--- Page 16 ---
KIDNAPPED REPUBLICAN.—A huge crowd gathered at the funeral in Dublin of Noel Lemass prominent Republican who was kidnapped last July, and whose skeletonised remains were for Dublin mountains. Lemass took part in the 1916 rising.

--- Page 17 ---
HAVE YOU A FRIEND OR RELATIVE IN THIS GROUP?
This group of prisoners of war at Limburg, Lahn, was sent by Lance-Corporal A. Eite (10155), Royal Irish Rifles (marked X), who was taken prisoner at the battle of the Marne. Lance-Corporal Eite was employed at Guinness's Brewery previous to the war. Directly underneath him in the photo is Private Kitchin, also a Dublin man. The father of Lance-Corporal Eite resides at 31 Oxmantown road, Dublin.

--- Page 18 ---
SATUR
HERALD, MAY 13, 1916.
OUR SCHOOLS OF HEROES.
TRINITY COLLEGE ROLL OF FAME.
It would almost be impossible to obtain a complete record of the official war list of Trinity College, but the recent attempt to do so gives over 2,200 names, while admitting that the list falls short by several hundreds. It represents every branch of naval and military service, and whether it be in France, the Balkans, or Mesopotamia, or wherever the fighting is thickest, Trinity College is represented.
Of the 2,200 men in the official list, 130 have been killed in action or have died of disease, and 115 have been wounded.
The Roll of Honour of the Dublin College, published week after week in the "Evening Herald," proves that no section of the community has responded to the nation's call with more eager enthusiasm than the youth of our great schools. The name of Trinity will for ever be associated with the Tenth Division, for many of the younger members played their last game in Gallipoli, and the 16th Division, which is now worthily upholding the tradition of our Irish regiments numbers in its ranks a lot of names familiar to us in connection with Trinity College.
It is that spirit of playing the game the spirit of the public schoolboy, a something instilled into the subject from his surroundings, the playing-fields, the big school or the college, which haunts and inspires the man throughout life. When the complete war list is published it will be seen that nowhere does patriotism shine brighter than at Trinity College, and the roll of honour will eclipse the record of all Parliamentary, literary, and other distinctions for which the College is famous.
Lieut. B. C. O. Sheridan.
Lieut. Francis Lynch.
Captain A. J. Horne.

--- Page 19 ---
No. 60.
(Registered as a Newspaper.)
LONDON, SUNDAY, MAY 7, 1916.
ONE 1.
'THREE MEN SHOT IN SACKVILLE STREET.'
The only snapshot yet published of the actual fighting in Dublin. The man who took it, like the ambulance men, was risking his life at the moment the photograph was taken.
Some of the ambulance men were killed by snipers.
The illustrated papers have been full all the week of pictures of Dublin ruins and men in khaki behind Dublin barricades, but this wonderful snapshot, which is exclusive to Sunday Herald, is the first to appear of a Dublin street battle actually in progress. It was taken from a window in Sackville-street with a hand camera while men were falling wounded or dead in the roadway.

--- Page 20 ---
WHAT DUBLIN LOOKS LIKE TO-DAY.
This remarkable view of ruins to the north of O'Connell-street, Dublin, was taken from the top of the Nelson pillar.
Another photograph which vividly brings home the extent of the damage done to central Dublin during the rebellion.

--- Page 21 ---
MR. SKEFFINGTON.
Mr. F. Sheehy-Skeffington (looking towards the camera), who, Mr. Asquith stated, was shot without the knowledge of the military authorities. The officer concerned is under arrest. Mrs. Skeffington says her husband was a pacifist.

--- Page 22 ---
25. XI. 13 1914 THE DAILY MAIL. WEDNESDAY.
COLOURS FOR IRISH NATIONAL VOLUNTEERS.
Sunday was a noteworthy day in the history of the Irish National Volunteers in Cork, where colours very consecrated and presented to the Cork Battalion and an inspection held. The photograph shows Mr. Redmond, M. P., receiving the colours from the divisional chaplain, the Rev. John Russell
Mr. William Redmond presenting the colours to Lieutenants MacGrath and Hill.

--- Page 23 ---
No. 3,911.
Registered at the G.P.O.
as a Newspaper.
SATURDAY, MAY 6, 1916
One Halfpenny.
TREATING BOTH SOLDIER AND REBEL AT DUBLIN CASTLE
"PRESIDENT" PEARSE, WHO HAS BEEN EXECUTED.
A corner of the ward in Dublin Castle, where wounded Sinn Feiners are being treated. A soldier with fixed bayonet mounts guard day and night.
"Commander-General" G. H. Pearse. He is seen standing bareheaded.
The Picture Hall in the Castle, which has been set apart for the soldiers.
Among the Irish rebels who have been executed is G. H. Pearse, who was styled "Commander-in-Chief" of the Army of the Republic and "President" of the Provisional Government. The photograph on this page shows him wearing uniform. He was a barrister,
poet and headmaster of St. Edna's College for boys. Dublin Castle, the seat of the Irish Government, has been converted into a hospital, where a number of both soldiers and rebels are recovering from their wounds. -- (Daily Mirror Photographs.)

--- Page 24 ---
HA ! HA ! HA ! HA !
THE GRAIN-GROWING JOKE
The Grain Inquiry Tribunal was set up to examine proposals for meeting the difficulties of the grain-growing farmers of Kildare and the neighbouring counties. It was set up in 1929. It should have reported in January, 1930 (laughter). It did not (more laughter). Its report was promised in June, 1930 (loud laughter). It has not reported yet (prolonged laughter). It may never report (shrieks of laughter).
Can't
You
See
The
Joke ?
REPORT OF EVENING HERALD, JUNE 3rd,
1930—QUESTION IN THE DAIL.
Mr. S. Lemass asked the President if he would state when it is anticipated the report of the Grain Inquiry Tribunal will be published, and to state the reason for the delay.
The President replied that he understood the report was now being prepared and would be soon available. The reason for the delay was because of exhaustive investigations made by the Commission for the purpose of supplementing the oral evidence.
Mr. Lemass—Is the President aware that the answer for finance ago? (Laughter).
“No,” replied the President.
Mr. Lemass—Is he aware that, in December, 1929, the Minister for Agriculture said the report would be available in January, 1930?
“No,” was the President’s reply.
Mr. Lemass asked if ministers on this was now to be placed on replies of ministers on this subject.
The President said he believed the Ministers had given perfectly bona-fide replies.
Mr. Lemass further asked if any greater reliance could be placed on the President’s reply to-day than the replies of the other Ministers given more than a year ago.
The President—From the point of view of the collective responsibility of the Executive Council, I would say that the reply to-day might be regarded as more up-to-date. (Laughter).
Have
You
No
Sense
Of
Humour ?
FARMERS OF KILDARE : DOES IT NOT SEEM SO FUNNY TO YOU ?
Of course, you cannot see these matters from the point of view of the men with £45 per week. These men, who make light of your difficulties, fooled you before. They think they can fool you again—hence their hilarity.
But if You're Tired of Being Humbugged
VOTE HARRIS No. 1
HE'S IN EARNEST
Printed by the Fodhla Printing Co., Ltd., and published by Eamon Donnelly, 13 Upper Mount Street, Dublin, agent for Thomas Harris. Irish Paper, Irish Ink.

--- Page 25 ---
“ FORTY YEARS TO COMPLETE THE DIVISION
OF THE LAND ! ”
“The Government has broken up the ranches” so they say.
This shows you how they have done it.
FREE STATE:
CO. KILDARE:
At this rate of progress the division of estates now under investigation in Kildare will take 20 years. It will take at least another 20 years to divide all the other estates which have not yet been inspected.
CUMANN NA nGAEDHEAL WILL TAKE AT LEAST 40 YEARS TO DIVIDE THE RANCHES AMONG THE 5,000 SMALL HOLDERS AND LANDLESS MEN IN KILDARE.
VOTE FOR HARRIS AND TELL THEM “TO GET A MOVE ON”
Cumann na nGaedheal were going to take 70 years to vest all the land in the tenants; they were working “their best and quickest,” they said. But that was before Longford-Westmeath returned Geoghegan to tell them to get on with the vesting, or get out.
THEN THEY DISCOVERED A WAY—THE FIANNA FAIL WAY—TO VEST ALL THE LAND WITHIN A YEAR OR TWO.
Send Harris to tell them to divide the land, or to clear out and let Fianna Fail do it.
VOTE No. 1. HARRIS
Printed by Fodhla Printing Co., Ltd; published by Eamon Donnelly, 13 Mount St., Dublin.
Election Agent for Thomas Harris.

--- Page 26 ---
The Will of The People
People of Kildare! You, and you only, have a right to say who will represent you in the Dail. No candidate can secure election except by getting a majority of your votes. But the Cumann na nGaedheal—Labour Alliance tried to deprive you of this right!
E. DUGGAN, T.D., Chief Government Whip, speaking at Derrinturn, on June 7th, said:—
“Cumann na nGaedheal was willing to give the seat to the Labour Party without a contest, but Fianna Fail insisted on nominating a Candidate and forced a By-Election on the Constituency.”
SENATOR CUMMINS, a leader of the Labour Party said at Prosperous, on June 7th:—
“Cumann na nGaedheal was willing to give the seat to the Labour Party but Fianna Fail would not do it.”
WHAT DO THESE DECLARATIONS MEAN?
They mean that Cumann na nGaedheal do not think much of their Candidate. They do not care whether he is elected or not. They were willing to throw him over in favour of the Labour Candidate. If Cumann na nGaedheal do not want Conlan elected, why should you Vote for him?
These declarations mean also that the Government know that the Labour Party is harmless as an opposition. They do not care whether Norton is elected or not. They know it will make no difference to them. They regard him just as useful to them as their own candidate.
What is all this humbug about “grabbing the seat.” Every vacancy created by the death of a Fianna Fail member was contested without any suggestion of a “walk over.”
In Longford-Westmeath, a Fianna Fail seat, the Labour Party Candidate was the first in the field. But in Longford-Westmeath both Cumann na nGaedheal and Labour learned that the people know humbug when they see it, and they will learn the same lesson in Kildare.
FIANNA FAIL WANTS TOM HARRIS IN THE DAIL.
It is fighting this By-Election to put him there, and to give you an opportunity, by doing so, of showing your opinion of those who are trying to prevent you expressing your will.
VOTE HARRIS NO. 1. THE MAN FOR KILDARE
Printed by “The Nationalist and Leinster Times,” Carlow; and published by Eamon Donnelly, 13 Upper Mount Street, Dublin, Agent for Thomas Harris.

--- Page 27 ---
“ ONE MORE COW—”
Did you know Conlon was a Poet?
When Mr. Patrick Hogan, Minister for Agriculture announced his famous solution of the difficulties of agriculture, “One more cow and one more sow,” Mr. John Conlon got so sarcastic that he burst into song. He wrote a poem, no less. This poem was published in the local papers. It is reproduced here.
Ask Conlon to sing it at his Public Meetings
THE MINISTER'S PANACEA
By JOHN CONLON.
If you're living in the Country, puzzled much to make ends meet, Growing barley, growing turnips, growing third-year sugar know how If you're dunned by grocer, baker; if you really don't know how You're to settle up their little bills, why, buy another cow.
If the Land Commission's at you for your last gale overdue, If the State Solicitor's threat'ning in the District Court to sue, If the missus wants an outfit, and is ripe to raise a row, Why, your only way to smooth things out's the buying of a sow.
If the Rate Collector's called again, departing in a rage, If the hired man has left you 'cos you couldn't pay his wage. Why, don't worry, there's a way out: it's surely this I vow, Take the Minister's panacea, start out quick and buy a cow.
If the eldest son's no gossoon and would like to settle down, If he's eyed a like colleen, just like him, without a “brown”; How on earth are we to fix it: says Hogan, “I've told you how—— Buy another little milker, buy another Large White Sow.”
If your barley's in the malthouse and the cheque's blued long ago; If you've tried to touch the bank man, and he's said: “By no means; no!” Are we daunted, are we beaten; is our courage failing now? No, we'll do as Hogan tells us: we'll just buy another cow.
“ In song and sermon, rant and rhyme,” John Conlon denounced the Cumann na nGaedheal Ministers—before he was selected as a Cumann na Gaedheal Candidate
Vote HARRIS No. 1
HE'S IN EARNEST
Printed by the Fodhla Printing Co., Ltd., and published by Eamon Donnelly, 13 Upper Mount Street, Dublin, agent for Thomas Harris. Irish Paper, Irish Ink.

--- Page 28 ---
HOW DID HARRIS VOTE ON THE QUESTION OF THE WORKMENS' HOURS?
The following is an extract from the Minutes of the Meeting of the Co. Council held on February 25th, 1930 :—
"It was proposed by Mr. Smyth, seconded by Mr. Cregan, and resolved :—'That the hours of work of the roadmen be reduced to 51 per week, in order that work cease at 3 p.m., on Saturday evening, and that all resolutions to the contrary be rescinded.'"
On being put to the meeting this Motion was lost by 14 votes to 11.
There voted FOR the resolution :—Messrs. Foley, Cregan, Fitzgerald, Doyle, Smyth, Colohan, Navin, Dunne, Buckley, J. Harris and Thomas Harris.
Against :—Messrs. Phelan, Conlon, Minch, More-O'Ferrall, Gannon, Henderson, Barton, Cogan, Bergin, Coffey, Ronaldson, Behan and Cleary.
The Chairman and Messrs. Byrne and Coonan did not vote.
Did Tom Harris Vote to Reduce the Wages of Co. Council Workers?
The following is an Extract from the Minutes of the Meeting of the County Council held on February 25th, 1929 :—
"Mr. Henderson proposed, and Mr. Cleary seconded :—'That the wages of the workmen be reduced to 24/- per week, and the other men reduced accordingly.'"
Mr. Colohan, T.D., proposed, and Mr. Smyth seconded :—"That no change be made in the rate of wages of the Council's Workmen."
Mr. Phelan proposed :—"That the wages be 28/- per week." The latter proposal was not seconded.
On Mr. Colohan's Motion being put to the Meeting it was carried by 17 votes to 7.
There voted FOR Mr. Colohan's Motion :—Messrs. Coonan, Thornton, THOMAS HARRIS, Bergin, J. Harris, Foley, Buckley, Dunne, Loughlin, Colohan, Cregan, Smyth, Fitzgerald, Doyle, Barton, Minch and Byrne.—17.
Against :—Messrs. Gannon, Henderson, Ronaldson, Cleary, Behan, Coffey, and Cogan.
The above Official Extracts from the Minute Book of the County Council prove how unfounded are the Reckless Statements which have been made about Mr. Harris at Public Meetings.
Vote Harris No. 1
Printed by the "Leinster Leader," Ltd., Naas, and Published by Eamon Donnelly, 13 Upper Mount Street, Dublin, Election Agent for the Fia na Fail Candidate, Mr. T. Harris.

--- Page 29 ---
Mr. Lloyd George's Letter to the Convention.
10 DOWNING STREET,
LONDON, S.W.,
25th FEBRUARY, 1918.
DEAR SIR HORACE PLUNKETT,
I had the privilege of discussing, during the past three weeks, the situation in the Irish Convention with the delegates whom the Convention appointed to confer with the Government. You will allow me to thank the Convention for sending over a delegation so representative of all groups of opinion within the Convention. The Government have thereby been enabled to learn the views of different parties, and to appreciate better than would otherwise have been possible the position that has now been reached within the Convention. I regret that the urgency of questions vital to the immediate conduct of the war has protracted the meetings with various groups longer than it was hoped would be necessary, but I am confident the Convention will recognise the exceptional circumstances of the time and will understand there has been no unavoidable delay.
The conclusions to which the Government have come as a result of their interviews with the representatives of the Convention may be stated as follows:—
The Government are determined that so far as is in their power the labours of the Convention shall not be in vain. On receiving the report of the Convention, the Government will give it immediate attention, and will proceed with the least possible delay to submit legislative proposals to Parliament. They wish, however, to emphasise the urgent importance of getting a settlement in and through the Convention. The Convention has been brought together to endeavour to find a settlement by consent. If the Convention fails to secure this, the settlement of the question will be much more difficult, but it will be a task incumbent on the Government. It is, therefore, of the highest importance both for the present situation and for the future good relations in and with Ireland that the settlement should come from an Irish Assembly, and from mutual agreement among all parties. To secure this there must be concessions on all sides. It has been so in every Convention, from that of the U.S.A. to that of South Africa.
There is, however, a further consideration which has an important bearing on the possibilities of the present situation. During the period of the war it is necessary to proceed as far as possible by agreement. Questions on which there is an acute difference of opinion in Ireland or in Great Britain must be held over for determination after the war. At the same time it is clear to the Government, in view of previous attempts at settlement, and of the deliberations of the Convention itself, that the only hope of agreement lies in a solution which, on the one side, provides for the unity of Ireland under a single Legislature with adequate safeguards for the interests of Ulster and the Southern Unionists, and, on the other, preserves the well-being of the Empire and the fundamental unity of the United Kingdom.
It is evident that there is on the part of all parties in the Convention a willingness to provide for and safeguard the interests of the Empire and of the United Kingdom. A settlement can now be reached which will reserve by common consent to the Imperial Parliament its suzeranty, and its control of Army, Navy, Foreign Policy and other Imperial services, while providing for Irish representation at Westminster, and for a proper contribution from Ireland to Imperial expenditure. All these matters are now capable of being settled within the Convention on a basis satisfactory both to the Imperial Government and to Ireland.
There remains, however, the difficult question of Customs and Excise. The Government are aware of the serious objections which can be raised against the transfer of these services to an Irish Legislature. It would be practically impossible to make such a disturbance of the fiscal and financial relations of Great Britain and Ireland in the midst of a great war. It might also be incompatible with that federal re-organisation of the United Kingdom in favour of which there is a growing body of opinion. On the other hand, the Government recognise the strong claim that can be made that an Irish Legislature should have some control over indirect taxation as the only form of taxation which touches the great majority of the people, and which in the past has represented the greater part of Irish touches.
The Government feel that this is a matter which cannot be finally settled at the present time. They therefore suggest for the consideration of the Convention that, during the period of the war, and for a period of two years thereafter, the control of Customs and Excise should be reserved to the United Kingdom Parliament; that, as soon as possible after the Irish Parliament has been established, a Joint Exchequer Board should be get up to secure the determination of the true revenue of Ireland—a provision which is essential to a system of responsible Irish Government and to the making of a national balance sheet, and that, at the end of the war, a Royal Commission should be established to re-examine impartially and thoroughly the financial relations of Great Britain and Ireland, and to report on the contribution of Ireland to Imperial expenditure and to submit proposals as to the best means of adjusting the economic and fiscal relations of the two countries.
The Government consider that during the period of the war the control of all taxation other than Customs and Excise could be handed over to the Irish Parliament; that, for the period of the war and two years thereafter an agreed proportion of the annual Imperial expenditure should be fixed as the Irish
contribution; and that all Irish revenue from Customs and Excise, as determined by the Joint Exchequer Board, after the deduction of the agreed Irish contribution to Imperial expenditure, should be paid into the Irish Exchequer. For administrative reasons during the period of the war it is necessary that the Police should remain under Imperial control, and it seems to the Government to be desirable that for the same period the Postal Service should be a reserved service.
Turning to the other essential elements of a settlement—the securing of an agreement to establish a single Legislature for an united Ireland—the Government believe that the Convention has given much thought to the method of overcoming objections on the part of the Unionists. North and South, to this proposal. They understand that one scheme provides for additional representation by means of nomination or election. They understand further that it has also been suggested that a safeguard of Ulster interests might be secured by the provision of an Ulster Committee within the Irish Parliament, with power to modify, and if necessary to exclude, the application to Ulster of certain measures either of legislation or administration which are not consonant with the interests of Ulster. This appears to be a workable expedient, whereby special consideration of Ulster conditions can be secured and the objections to a single Legislature for Ireland overcome.
The Government would also point to the fact that it has been proposed that the Irish Parliament should meet in alternate sessions in Dublin and Belfast, and that the principal offices of an Irish Department of manufacturing industry and commerce should be located in Belfast. They believe that the willingness to discuss these suggestions is clear evidence of the desire to consider any expedient which may help to remove the causes of Irish disunion. The fact that, in order to meet the claims of different parties of the community, the South African Convention decided that the Legislature was to be established in Cape Town, the Administrative Departments to be situated in Pretoria, and the Supreme Court was to sit in Blomfontein, is a proof that proposals such as these may markedly contribute to eventu

--- Page 30 ---
INSTRUCTIONS TO SINN FEIN CUMAINNRegarding Programme of Work, 1921-1922.
The possibilities and scope of such Programme of Work will probably vary according to the circumstances of different Cumainn, which may be classified roughly under the following heads :—
1.—URBAN.2.—RURAL.3.—SEABOARD.4.—CUMAINN WHICH HAVE AMPLE HALL ACCOMMODATION AND WHICH FORM GENERAL RAILYING CENTRES.5.—CUMAINN WHICH ARE SO CIRCUMSTANCED THAT THEY CAN ONLY ACT AS ELECTION OR ORGANISING COMMITTEES. (See Appendix.)
There are a number of activities which are common to all Cumainn, and these are included in these instructions.
Other activities are also indicated suitable to the varying circumstances of the different Clubs.
A series of lectures, organised by the Cumann Leictuire na nDaoine, and approved of by the Standing Committee of Sinn Fein, are in course of preparation, which it is intended, when ready, to circulate amongst the Cumainn under the guidance of the Comhairli Ceanntair. These Lectures will deal with the various aspects of National interest, and direct attention to and supply information concerning the constructive work which Dáil Eireann is engaged in carrying out. Only a skeleton outline of suggestions is possible in this Programme of Work. Much depends upon local initiative, and it is expected that the Committee of each Cumann, and especially acted on officers, will make a special effort to see that such suggestions as are practicable in their districts will be acted on and the Cumainn thus made effective factors in the political progress of the movement and the economic development of the country.
ACTIVITIES COMMON TO ALL CUMAINN.
1.—Thorough attention to Headquarters' Instructions and Inquiries.
This is important, as much as the effectiveness of the work of the Organisation depends upon the promptness and efficiency of the Cumainn in dealing with such matters.
2.—Cumann Records and Accounts.
Each Secretary should have in safe keeping :—
(a) Register of Members, properly numbered, with record of attendance of each at meetings and subscription paid.(b) A Minute Book, with accurate record of proceedings at each meeting.
Each Treasurer should have a Cash Book, with all receipts and expenditure properly recorded. He should also have adequate local arrangements for the collection of members' subscriptions where such are not paid at Cumann meetings, by the appointment of a few reliable and energetic collectors, with whom he will keep in constant touch in order to learn how such collection of subscriptions is being carried out.
3.—Increase of Members.
Every effort to attract new members should be made. All members and recruits should be such that their character and general conduct will reflect credit on the Cumann.
4.—Proportional Representation.
Members should keep themselves conversant with the procedure of P. R. in order to be able to cope with any contingency relative to Elections which may arise.
5.—Press Agency.
In each Cumann there should be one or more members whose duty will be to supply Press notices of Sinn Fein activities to the local Press and to keep Headquarters informed of anything important relative to the interests of the movement.
6.—Propagation of Dáil Eireann Programme and Sinn Fein ideas by circulation of Leaflets, Pamphlets, etc.

--- Page 31 ---
TWO OUT OF THE SAME
STABLE
Papyrus Versus Lloyd George
Step right up, ladies and gentleman, and take your choice.
The first is a thoroughbred race horse and winner of the Derby; the second is an old political hack that ran away with the international stakes at the Peace conference and left the bookmakers (the governments of Europe) bankrupt; although a veteran he is still as cunning as a trick mule and his specialty is somersaulting in tight corners.
Both animals, the quadruped and the biped, came from the Same Country, and they are here in the interests of England.

--- Page 32 ---
Prisoners from Ulster
released from Tintown
and Newbridge have been
rearrested by
“ SPECIALS ”
when they crossed the “Border”
Two Puppet Governments
both dependent on England
AND
BOTH CONTROLLED
BY ENGLAND
Are engaged in killing and
imprisoning the Young
Men who fought for the
unity & freedom of Ireland

--- Page 33 ---
ROBBERSANDHUNGER-STRIKERS.
MR. COSGRAVE STATED ON SUNDAY IN DUBLIN, THAT THE REPUBLICAN HUNGER-STRIKERS ARE IN JAIL “ BECAUSE LIFE AND PROPERTY WERE NOT SAFE WHILE THEY WERE AT LARGE.”
DURING THE PAST SIX MONTHS, SIXTEEN FREE STATE SOLDIERS HAVE BEEN CONVICTED IN THE CRIMINAL COURTS FOR ROBBERY UNDER ARMS AND MURDER.
SEE THE PUBLIC PRESS OF:—
AUGUST THE 22nd, 1923.
AUGUST THE 24th, 1923.
AUGUST THE 28th, 1923.
SEPTEMBER THE 4th, 1923.
SEPTEMBER THE 13th, 1923.
OCTOBER THE 11th, 1923.
OCTOBER THE 16th, 1923.
OCTOBER THE 22nd, 1923.
Not even one Republican Soldier has been charged with any of these offences.
Who then are the Robbers ?

--- Page 34 ---
4, New Brighton,
Monks town,
CO. DUBLIN.
4th. October, 1924.
To/
The Editor,
"Evening Herald"
DUBLIN.
Rony
Dear Sir, re - late Major General Rederick O'Connor.
Your issue of the 3rd. inst., 6.30 edition on page 2. Col 3 reproduces what purports to be a statement appearing in the "London Evening standard" of the 2nd. inst., in which it is stated that the late Major General Rederick O'Connor "left all his money to the Minister responsible for his death" i.e. Mr. Kevin O'Higgins. Rony
My brother Major General O'Connor did not leave any of his money or property to Mr. Kevin O'Higgins.
Please give this contradiction the same prominence as you gave to the original misstatement by the English journal.
Yours faithfully,
N. O'Connor.
Administrator of Rederick O'Connor, deceased.

--- Page 35 ---
Irish Independent. 13/3/44.
ALL TRAVEL TO
IRELAND STOPPED
SWIFT MOVE
BY BRITAINBan In Force To-day
BRITAIN last night banned all passenger traffic between Ireland and Britain "for military reasons." The Order, which was released by the Home Office after midnight, operates to-day and until further notice.
Exceptions will be made in the case of those who travel on business or work regarded as of urgent importance to Britain or on compassionate grounds "of the most urgent and compelling character."
While the restrictions continue Irish workers in Britain will not be granted leave certificates to return home, but those who postpone their visits will be given travel facilities as soon as possible after the restrictions are lifted.
Leave certificates and permits already granted, other than six-monthly return visas, will not be affected.
The prohibition does not affect traffic between Northern Ireland and Eire.
Choir Aided Charity
Blackrock College Choir at the Green Cross Fund concert in the Gresham Hotel, Dublin.—Irish Independent Photo (McM.).
U.S. Refuses
Ship To Eire:
—TEXT OF NOTE
THE Irish Government last night released for publication the text of a Note from Mr. Gray.

--- Page 36 ---
NATIONAL STUDENT
DEC. 1945
EDITORIAL
1920
KEVIN BARRY
1945
WRITING an appreciation of a hero is not unlike proposing votes of thanks; it is difficult in either to say anything original or to sound sincere. Sugary sunburstry, however, is the last thing that Kevin Barry would have wanted or expected; as he is said to have told those who came to see him in his last hours, he did not think himself at all a hero, but a soldier, who was doing nothing more than his duty. And he himself would have desired to leave no better memory than that he died, not in hysterical bravado, but as a man would, with courage and faith. For in his eighteen years he had learned more wisdom than many men have in eighty; he knew that idealism was not sound and fury and schoolboy heroics, but picking a lonely path through the gap of danger, for a cause that had been dismissed as lost centuries before. Tolerance and humour he saw, were denied not necessarily to all young men who "see visions," but only to the fanatic. That he enjoyed rugby passionately and could when in prison make friends with his enemies, shows his contempt for the uneasy and blustering "intolerance of the bigoted," and his realization that no country or cause can lay claim to all the good men in the world. In everything, he was honest and balanced, and it would be impertinent to say more of his courage than that he faced death as he had his life; for no man can fear death, who knows his own soul, as Kevin Barry did.
“Όο ὁύναρ μο ῥύτι
Ἰρ μο ῥαὸαρς οο ὁατταρ.
’S αρ αν ῥόο ῥεο ῥομαμ,
Μ’ αξαιὸ οο ἐυξαρ.”
Kevin Barry was so human and vivid that it is difficult to make him a symbol or a shibboleth for anything; and it is only with the deepest humility that this college can regard him as its own. Wrangling over his memorial has left here rather an unpleasant taste to his memory; and in any event, we can claim little share in his glory, for, before he ever entered the university, “Take him for all in all, he was a man.” We may be forgiven, too, for suggesting that the Gods loved Kevin Barry too much to allow him survival into our day, when students, on the whole, drift cow-like through the doldrums of their apathy, and cheapness is their nearest approach to realism. Such desultory college politics as linger on are rather in the nature of Tweedledum and Tweedledee skirmishing, or, of the croquet-match in Wonderland, where substantial than a flamingo. In this generation, Kevin Barry would scarcely feel at home; and so it is in all humility that we should claim a part in his memory, and try to give him, among the students of this college on this, the twenty-fifth anniversary of his death, some memorial more lasting than any of stone or glass, monumentum aere perennius. If we can bring anything of his clear and generous spirit back to our walls, we shall not altogether have failed; until then, perhaps, the best epitaph we could give him is to apply an old song, in reverence, to his memory.
“Cover his face; mine eyes dazzle; he died young.”

--- Page 37 ---
Anti-Guff
Page : 160
IRISH OPINION
THE VOICE OF LABOUR
A WEEKLY JOURNAL OF INDUSTRIAL AND POLITICAL DEMOCRACY.
Carson Did
His Bit
How Redmond Saved (?) Kynoch's.
We are surprised to learn, despite Mr. Worthington Evan's statement that Kynoch's works at Arklow have been kept open on the powerful intercession of John E. Redmond, lately "Leader of the Irish Race at Home and Abroad," that Kynoch's is practically closed down at the time of writing.
The story of the proceedings at Arklow is interesting. The unskilled workers there, the most numerous section, numbering about 1,200, made application on 13th February for the 12th per cent. bonus, which has been granted to the same grade of workers elsewhere. For example, 5,000 members of the Workers' Union engaged in war work in Belfast shipyards have shilling for shilling with the skilled workers.
Ignoring the provisions of the Munitions Acts, the lofty management of Kynoch's sent this letter in reply to the Union:—
Kynoch, Arklow, Ltd.,
13th Feb., 1918:
12750.
Dear Sir,—
We are in receipt of your letter of 11th inst., and beg to inform you that we have already informed your local secretary that we do not intend, under any circumstances whatever, to recognise your Union.
Yours faithfully,
For Kynoch, Arklow, Ltd.,
P. J. GORMAN,
Chief Clerk.
The Secretary:
Irish Transport and General Workers' Union,
Liberty Hall,
Dublin.
After this illegal document was written the kept Press of Dublin capitalism began screeching about another ruined
industry, and the valiant men of 39 Upr. O'Connell Street girded up their loins to make a heroic salvation that would prove the necessity of the Union to Ireland's industrial existence. The salvation stunt was duly performed, but nevertheless on 18th February notices to expire on Monday, 25th, were served out to all the labourers organised in the Irish Transport Workers' Union, without whose labour the continued employment of skilled men is impossible. Kynoch's is not saved. Kynoch's is practically closed. Hundreds of men are unemployed or under notice.
We hear much of Sinn Feiners disregarding the English laws. No more glaring contravention of laws has come to our notice than that contained in the above letter. What will Mr. Duke do? Will he enforce the law or join with P. T. Gorman and John E. Redmond in smashing the Transport Workers' Union?

--- Page 38 ---
Indian Quisling in
Praise of Eire
Subhas Chandra Bose, head of the "Provisional Indian Government," puppet body set up by Japan, is reported by the Japanese News Agency to have sent a message to the Irish nation "expressing profound admiration for the hard fight of President De Valera and the Eire Government."
"In our fight against British Imperialism no struggle has aroused our sympathy so much as that of the brave Irish nation for their liberty.
"As a student of Irish history who has visited Eire I know the Irish reciprocate this sympathy.
"Last October when we established our Provisional Government before launching our national struggle I thought of the historic parallel of Ireland, who set up a provisional government of the Irish Republic in Dublin during the Easter rebellion of 1916," continues Bose, quoted in a Burma front dispatch to the Japanese agency.
"I have been waiting for our troops to cross India so that the Provisional Government could be set up on Indian soil.
"Broadcasting on March 21 that our troops had entered India, I thought of the brave Irish nation and their leaders who maintained without interruption their struggle for full national independence.
"I read with deep interest the proceedings of the debate in the Irish Parliament the other day on
the question of recognising our Provisional Government. I know the sympathy of the entire Irish nation is with us in our struggle against the common foe.
"I have followed with deep admiration the hard fight of President De Valera and his Government for the maintenance of Irish neutrality.
"Even now one does not know if the Anglo-Americans will not sweep down on Eire and occupy it.
"But I have no doubt that determined resistance of the Irish people would meet such a foolhardy step.
"Eire would have been occupied by our enemies long ago but for the fact that the rulers of Whitehall have not forgotten the determined fight of the Irish nation during the last world war and after.
"At a time when we are going forward towards our destination, the Metropolis of India, paying for our liberty with our blood along the road to Delhi, I desire to reiterate my profound admiration for the Irish heroes who are fighting with their backs to the wall to maintain the freedom and neutrality of Ireland."—Leuter.
CO. DOWN ROAD ACCIDENT.
Involved in an accident on Moyadd Road, Kilkeel, at the week-end Mrs P. Rice, a farmer's wife, Ballyma geogh, Kilkeel, received head injuries and was taken to Kilkeel Hospital.

--- Page 39 ---
Catholic Social
Week
Evg. Herald 24.3. 1861
Mr. J. J. Campbell, M.A., delivering his Catholic Social Week lecture, "The Christian Home and Youth," at the Mansion House, Dublin.
—"Herald" Photo (M.).

--- Page 40 ---
IRISH WAR NEWS
STOP PRESS!
THE IRISH REPUBLIC
(First) "War News" published to-day because a newspaper was to be published in Dublin, and a Provisional Government has been appointed to administer its office. The following have been named as the Provisional Government:—
Thomas J. Carbe.
Sam Max Darwinde
P. H. Parra.
James Connelly.
Thomas Mar Dough.
Lessons Connor.
Jamph Pardort.
The Irish Republic was proclaimed by a party, which was preminently deployed in Dublin.
At 9.30 a.m. the earning the following session was made by Commandant-General, P. H. Parra:—
The Irish Republic was proclaimed in Dublin on Exam Monday, 24th April, at 12 noon. Simultaneously with the usage of the proclamation of the Provisional Government the Dublin Division of the Army of the Republic, including the Irish Volunteers, Citizen Army, Hibernian Rafts, and other bodies, occupied dominating points in the city. The G.P.O. was united at 12 noon, the Castle was attacked at the same moment, and shortly afterwards the Four Courts were occupied. The Irish trumps held the City Hall and dominated the Castle. Attacks were unimmediately commenced by the British forces and were everywhere repulsed. At the moment of writing this report, (9.30 a.m., Tuesday) the Republican forces hold all their positions and the British forces have nowhere been struggled. There has been heavy and marine damage and doubts about the cause of the merely being much more non-revolutionary than those on the Republican side. The Republican forces everywhere are fighting with splendid golfway. The supplies of Dublin are plainly with the Republic, and the officers and men are everywhere changed as they march through the streets. The whole course of the city is in the hands of the Republic, whose fight has been from the G.P.O.
Commandant General P. H. Parra is commanding in chief of the Army of the Republic and
is President of the Provisional Government Commandant General James Connelly in coordinating the Dublin districts. Communication with the country is hugely cut, but reports to hand show that the country is running, and bodies of men from Kildare and Fingall have already reported in Dublin.
MORE PIRACY.
The condition of officers illustrated in the following comments from "The Adversite," a New York Irish Reformistic paper, is not at all unlike piracy on the high scale. In its latest word to hand "The Adversite" says:—
"Since the British Government began to urise the mails we have been informed by some of our Swedish acquaintances that the little cheques they have gone to the old folks at home have never reached their destination. If this be true, and we have no reason to doubt it, then the British Government stands convicted of the most contemptible kind of perty larceny which the criminal annals of the world can show. Sweden is just now expecting a depression in all kinds of business owing to being cut off from other neutral nations by Great Britain, and consequently a little help from their emiled brothers is much needed in countries Swedish households. Now, it may be asked what Great Britain hopes to accomplish by preventing the emiled Swedes from hesping their suffering kindred at home? The reason is not far to seek. The Socialist party is very strong in Sweden, and is growing stronger in proportion to the increase in the difficulty of the masses to make ends meet. Now, Great Britain knows that were it not for the opposition of the Socialists Sweden would long where have entered the war on the side of Germany, hence it is to her interest to add by every means at her disposal to the Socialists' power. Therefore in cabbing the mails of these little cheques he is robbing deserving people of the means of tiding over the dull season, and expects that, driven by necessity, many will turn to the Socialists in their extremity, and thus Sweden's common neutrality will be secured. This is the explanation our Swedish acquaintances give of England's threating conduct in this regard. For the honour of our power human nature, let us hope the case is not as bad as it is said to be."
IRISH WAR NEWSTHE IRISH REPUBLIC.
Vol. I. No. 1
DUBLIN, TUESDAY, APRIL 11, 1933.
One Party
"IF THE GERMANS CONQUERED ENGLAND."
An article is published "If the Germans conquered England," which has the appearance of a very clever piece of entire written by an Irishman. The urier draws a picture of England under German rule, almost every detail of which exactly fits the case of Ireland at the present day. Some of the sentences are so exquisitely appropriate that it is impossible to believe that the writer had not Ireland in his mind when he wrote them. For instance:—
"England would be constantly instructed by the fasty moral attentions of German statemen who would evert—quite violently, no doubt—search England as free, free indeed when they they had been before. Private treatise, they would explain, was the only real freedom, and therefore England was free. They would point to the flaurishing railways and farms and colleges. They would possibly point to the contingent of M.P.s, which was permitted, in spite of its deployable condensations, to sit in a permanent minority in the Rech-
sag. And not only would the Englishmen have to later to a constant flow of speakers of this war; he would had a respectable official Press secret bought over by the Government to say the same kind of things over and over, every day of the world. We Routh and, she, thus will challenge the country home from school with new ideas of liberty. They would ask him if it was true that until the Germans came England had been as early country, constantly engaged in civil war. The object of every schoolbook would be to entire the English child grow up in the nation that the history of his country was a thing to forget, and that the one bright spot in it was the fact that it had been conquered by callured Germany."
"If there was a revolt, German statemen is would achieve great speakers about 'disleyalty,' 'ingentiade,' 'rechlems agracious who would raise their country's property. Provision will once would be encamed in every aerosphere—the English will be raised in Germany, or to fight the China? — in order to come to the base of German morality, should English vediction come to blower with it.""England would be expected to abandon her own genius in order to install the genius of her conquerors, to strict her own history for a larger history, to give up her own language for a 'semi-versal' language—in other words, to destroy her broadboard gods one by one, and put in their place
6719-13
THE SINN FEIN REVOLT IN DUBLIN.
THE FIRST AND ONLY COPY OF THE "IRISH WAR NEWS" ISSUED BY THE SINN FEINERS
ROTARY PHOTO. E.C.

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FRIDAY, JUNE 30, 1944
THE STANDARD,
Historian's Tribute to Annalist
Michil
ui Chléirigh
bráthair bocht
Ceann na Gceithre Máistrí
Taiety Theatre
baile Átha Cluath
Du Domhnaigh. 25ú lá de Mhí an Mheithimh, 1944.
THE life and work of Micheal O Cleirigh and his fellow-workers have been so fully and worthily described that it would be a presumption on my part and a trespass on the purpose of this centenary celebration if I were to attempt to treat the same subject, even in the shortest summary. What I propose to bring specially before the attention of this meeting, and through its medium, of many others, is the significance of that work in its historical surroundings of place and time.
MICHEAL O CLEIRIGH and the men who worked with him had lived to see the Irish nation in its purely political aspect completely crushed. They had seen the downfall of the Irish nobility. They had seen the land of the greater part of Ulster handed over in ownership to strangers from England and Scotland, many of its inhabitants driven off to the least fertile places, and those who were allowed to remain reduced to serfdom of tenants at will. They had seen the laws of the country abolished and English law introduced instead. They had witnessed the completion of the policy of depriving their religion of all its material property and endowments and another religion introduced as the church by law established. The schools and privileges of their men of letters had been everywhere suppressed. There is no need to complete the account in every detail.
The Text of the address given at the National celebrations, under the Chairmanship of An Taoiseach Eamon de Valera, in honour of Bro. Micheal O Cleirigh. O.F.M.
By
Prof. EOIN MacNEILL
and proclaimed by some, not a few, of our own time who claim to be nationalist, the Irish nation had ceased to exist. But had it ceased to exist? Had it even become dormant? What did Brother Micheal and his brethren think about that? What did the patron of their greatest work, Fearghal O Gadhra, think about it? That work was inscribed "to the glory of God and the honour of Ireland." Did this mean the honour of a geographical area? If not, what? Beyond doubt the policy that I have exemplified was planned for the destruction of the Irish nation and not merely planned but put in action in every detail. A quarter of a century later, that policy was advanced a stage further under the direction of Oliver Cromwell. Yet in the year 1650 we find another Irish writer, Dubhaltach Mac Fir Bhisigh, writing the introduction to his great Book of Genealogies. He begins it by observing an Irish traditional custom. A trivial matter, you might perhaps think, but Dubhaltach gives his reason.
for it, it was an sean-nos griarach Gaedhealach. It was the Irish way and because it was the Irish way, it was like sunshine to him. Some of our present-day intellectuals would probably relate it rather to moonshine.
GEOGHEGAN. The translation survives, and so we may think that if Conall had made a copy of the original, it would have survived. Conall was a defeatist.
MICHEAL O CLEIRIGH and his brethren were not defeated. Part of the proof of that is this meeting. I often call to mind and have sometimes repeated to students the words of Byron: "Greece and her foundations are built beneath the tide of war." Those men and a few others like them built and rebuilt in a time when Ireland seemed to be submerged under the tide of war. In these days, the tide of war has swelled and swept to a depth and breadth far beyond anything of the kind in the world's history. There are some that say the day of small nations is over. We are met to do honour to men and to one especially among them who did not yield to such counsels of defeat, and surely the truest way of honouring them is to be inspired by their example, building beneath the tide of war to the glory of God and the honour of Ireland.
ST. VINCENT DE PAUL NIGHT SHELTER.
During week ending 22nd June 1944, admissions numbered 257 and 556 free meals supplied. Donations of boots and clothing urgently needed. Subscriptions gratefully received by John F. McGuire and H. A. J. Roughan, Hon. Treasurers. Admissions for year, 13,341. Free meals for year, 27,254.
PAT MURPHY'S Jattings
The Standard 25. vi. 4
The Bishop of Raphoe, Most Rev. Dr. MacNeely, laying a wreath on the Four Masters Memorial at Berkeley Road, Dublin
COMMEMORATION STAMP.
THE design for the new commemoration Brother Michael Stamp is the work of Mr. Richard J. King, the noted Irish artist. In the making of the stamp Irish paper will be used and the printing will be done in the Stamping Branch of the Revenue Commissioners at Dublin Castle. The stamps will be issued in two denominations (1d. and 1/-) for permanent use.
The stamp, and indeed all the celebration of which the issuing of the stamp is but a part, do more than pay honour to one great man, a scholar, a patriot, the chronicler of the ancient glories and woes of his own country. For Brother Michael symbolised in himself the whole Irish civilisation as Christianity had remaded and elevated it. To restore that civilisation was the ideal of many of the greatest Irishmen of modern times. The stamp designed by a great artist will be a memorial and an inspiration.

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. . . Four . .
. Martyrs .
Anniversary
RORY O'CONNOR.
LIAM MELLOWS.
Commemoration
CONCERT
Theatre Royal
Bublin
December 9, 1923
The Dead who Died
for Ireland.
DICK BARRETT.
JOE MCKELVEY.

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PROFESSOR W. F. P. STOCKLEY.
A LITTLE more than half-way on in the year, Professor Stockley went to his reward. In University College from its start, he had given over twenty years of wise and earnest service to it before he retired in 1931. He came to it rich in scholarship, in experience, in knowledge of how life was lived in many countries, not only those of Europe, but in Canada and the United States as well. In all of them he had met wise and learned men—with many of them he was still in communication at the end of his life. He had seen how the students in such places worked and lived; and indeed come to know also how they were accustomed to think. The history, and the unsolved problems arising from history, of those countries had become familiar to him: their arts no less. A professor of literature who had not acquired a culture beyond the needs of the lecture room would be almost a contradiction in terms: they are not to be met with; but only rarely on the other hand does it fall to the lot of a college to have its Chair of English literature filled by one of Dr. Stockley's calibre.
With all that treasure-trove of mind, he was generous. He gave it away, he loved to give it away, in lecture halls and outside of them; to students chiefly, to all others as well, if only they had a desire for it. He was not punctilious about their status, intellectual or social, or about the surroundings in which he was to speak. A country parish hall would not daunt him, nor indeed the open air of heaven.
His books came from that treasure-trove, not without great deliberation and careful finish. So, too, with articles designed for learned journals and reviews. At the same time he seemed to be unable to refuse help. immediate and generous, to all sorts of wayside monthlies and weeklies—forlorn hopes by the very look of them. And only the end of all brought this habit of his to a close. It bespoke the earnestness as well as the kindliness of his outlook.
To the end his reading persisted also. And when not reading himself he was being read to. For many years after his retirement he would be seen fetching books to or from the College library.
His style of writing was his own—the very man. All would not accept of it, certainly not the drowsy or the very hasty. One had to keep alert. He was not free with connectives, nor with the repeat, nor with the recalling of what he had so far been accomplishing before he would open up a new avenue of thought from it. Only with commas was he free, compression of itself calling for them; by their aid he always achieved clarity, for such as kept pace with him. He was incapable of the long-winded, the otiose, or the flamboyant.
But this way of his, this athletic quality of his spirit, declared itself in his writing in other characteristics besides the mere shape of his sentences. It was in what he would choose to illustrate by. Other editors of such texts as he wrote upon must sometimes have wondered. It wasn't war, not to them anyhow. His edition then of Gerontius will never, one thinks, have another like unto itself. Nor will his King Henry the Fifth's Poet Historical. The learning he brings to bear on Newman's poem, as on Shakespeare's play, on the matter of them, on the craftsmanship, has become part and parcel of himself: written down it is obviously personalized in its every cell. That explains its aspect, as also its warmth. One who cannot enter into it and enjoy it, would not have enjoyed the man himself. To be able to say such words of pieces of learning, and meticulous learning at that, how rare a thing it is.
And that high spirit and athletic movement are also in those other books of his where he is not more or less editing texts. He writes as well of Dr. Henebry as of Falstaff and of Canon Sheehan as of Newman. If in the latter case he seems unduly to stress the Canon's shortcomings in scholarship and general culture, it is certainly not for want of respect, nay reverence, for the man, as indeed the essay itself proves. He thought it his duty, it may be, to point them out that steps might be taken not to have them where they might be passed on to others. Standards of value, it should be remembered, are only in the process of being built up in this Ireland of ours. To that up-building surely also his book Newman, Education and Ireland, is a timely and valuable contribution.
His knowledge was great in quality as in amount; but so also were his integrity and his courage.
D. 6 C.

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DUNDALK 9.9.41 THE EXAMINER
The Dundalk Gaol
Board of Works Decision Recalls
Stirring Episode
The Board of Works have this week commenced work on the conversion of Dundalk Gaol into a Gardai Barracks. Six years ago the Louth Board of Health, at one of their innumerable meetings at which they discussed the proposal of erecting a County Hospital for Louth, decided to demolish the Gaol building, built over a hundred years ago, and to place the new Hospital on its five-acre site. The decision recalled to a member of "THE EXAMINER" staff a stirring episode in the Civil War, which we republish below.

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Removal of Remains
of Mrs. Concannon
THE President and Mrs. O'Kelly, the Taoiseach and members of the Government were present yesterday at the Bon Secours Hospital, Glasnevin, when the remains of Senator Mrs. Helena Concannon were taken from Dublin for burial in Galway to-day.
Rev. G. Henry, C.C., was the officiating priest.
Chief mourners: Mr. Tomás Concannon (husband); Mrs. Gertrude Murphy (sister); Colm Murphy and P. Concannon (nephews); Miss Sheila Walsh (niece).
Dr. T. C. O'Connor, Mr. James Harbeson, Miss Nan Dougan, Mr. Michael Dougan, Miss Kathleen Donaghy, Mrs. Mary McNicholl, Mr. W. Walsh, Rev. J. Collins, O.P.; Mrs. Felix Hackett, Mr. and Mrs. Farrington (relatives).
Clergy present included Very Rev. M. Toher, P.P., Francis Street; Rev. M. Quinlan, S.J., Gardiner Street; Rev. A. Convery, C.P.; Rev. E. H. McGauran, O.P.; Rev. Fr. Senan, O.F.M.Cap.
Rev. Fr. Henry, O.F.M.Cap.; Rev. C. O'Callaghan, Maynooth; Rev. J. MacMacken, do.; Rev. J. Flynn, Dalgan Park; Rev. C. Lee, C.C., Westland Row; Rev. Fr. Michael, O.F.M.
THE OIREACHTAS
Ministers and T.D.'s present included Mr. G. Boland, Minister for Justice; Mr. T. O'Derrig, Minister for Lands; Mr. Lynch, T.D., Parliamentary Secretary to the Government; Donncadh O'Briain, T.D., Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach; Mr. J. R. Hackett, representing the Minister for Finance.
Major de Valera, T.D.; Mr. C. Gallagher, T.D.; Mr. T. Crowley, T.D.; Mr. M. Hilliard, T.D.; Mrs. Rice, T.D.; Mr. S. MacCarthy, T.D.; Mr. S. Brady, T.D.; Mr. J. Brennan, T.D.; Mr. D. MacMenamin, T.D.; Mr. N. Blayney, T.D.; Mr. P. Duignan, T.D.; Mr. C. O'Dailaigh, Attorney General
Senators included—Miss M. Pearse, A. Clarkin, Lord Mayor of Dublin; P. F. Baxter, M. Colgan, P. Fitzsimons, F. Hawkins, M. Hayes, M. Hearne, F. Loughman, Dr. J. B. Lynch, P. T. Lynch, G. O'Brien, F. H. O'Donnell, M. O'Dwyer, P. O'Reilly, W. Quirke, F. M. Summerfield.
NATIONAL UNIVERSITY
The National University was represented by Mr. A. A. McCarthy, registrar; Senator H. L. Barniville, Prof. J. J. Hogan, Senator O'Brien, Mr. P. F. Donovan, M.A.; Mr. A. J. O'Connell, secretary U.C.D., represented Dr. Michael Tierney, President of the College; Prof. Felix Hackett.
Others present included:—Mr. Justice Conor Maguire, Chief Justice; General D. McKenna, Mr. Patrick Purcell, representing the Catholic Writers' Association; Mr. T. Mullins, Secretary, Fianna Fail; S. Glynn, Co.C., Williamstown.
G. Murnaghan, S.C.; Justice S. O'Hanrahan, M. Quinn, Chairman Galway Co. Council.
COUNCILS' TRIBUTE
The General Council of County Councils meeting, in Dublin yesterday, voted sympathy with the relatives, on the proposition of Mr. Martin Quinn (Galway) and Mr. Joseph Pilkington (Sligo), supported by Mr. Dick Walsh, ex-T.D., the chairman, Mr. T. Condron (Meath) and other members.
MRS. ANNE O'CONNOR
Mrs. Anne O'Connor, 90 St. Jarlath Road, Cabra and late of Landscape View, Clondalkin, Co. Dublin, who has died, was widow of Mr. Abraham O'Connor, a native of Ferns, Co. Wexford, a member of the Fenian Brotherhood, who served two terms of imprisonment. Two of her sons took an active part in the more recent fight for Independence and a daughter was a member of the Cumann na mBan. She was the aunt of Rev. Fr. Godfrey Walsh, O.F.M.Cap., Erith, Kent, England.
The funeral took place to Bluebell Cemetery following Requiem Mass in the Church of Christ the King, Cabra.
Chief mourners: Messrs. Francis and Michael O'Connor (sons), Mrs. Christine Toner (daughter), Messrs. Hugh Toner, Seamus and Aidan O'Connor and Miss Rita O'Connor (grandchildren), Mr. Michael Tobin (brother), Mrs. F. O'Connor (daughter-in-law), Mr. Patrick Mullen (son-in-law), Messrs. Philip F., John and James G. Walsh (nephews), Misses M. Tobin and M. Walsh and Mrs. A. O'Loughlin (nieces), Mrs. H. Toner, Mrs. J. J. Walsh and Mr. T. O'Loughlin (relatives).
Amongst the large attendance were representatives of the Dublin Senior Board, G.A.A.; Fontenoys H.C., Round Towers F.C. and the Irish Red Cross.
Irish Board 29/2/52

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EVERYMAN, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 10, 1915.
EVERYMAN
No. 165. Vol. 7.
[REGISTERED AT
THE G.P.O.]
His Life, Work and Books.
Edited by CHARLES SAROLEA.
FRIDAY,
DECEMBER 10, 1915.
ONE PENNY.
Portrait by
W. H. Caffyn,
MRS. DESPARD.
For Character Sketch,
see page 146.

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The Whole of Ireland for the Irish People
Now In Full Swing
THE Anti-Partition movement is in full swing. The will of the people in Ireland and of the Irish race abroad is focused on the great National objective.
The whole of Ireland for the Irish people.
The united will of a nation concentrated on one objective is invincible.
PRISON BARS is no longer a lone voice crying in the desert. The papers of all parties have at last taken up the cry and our tiny columns are too small even to give a few lines of reports to the hundreds of prisoners and Anti-Partition meetings being held all over Ireland and in England, Scotland and America, and soon to be held in Australia, South Africa, and wherever people of Irish blood congregate.
The brave men and women in Belfast and Armagh jail are the primary cause of this great national movement. Their sufferings are not in vain. The spirit of Ireland in the hearts of the people who bound by bars and bolts. Just as that spirit bursting the bars of Portland Prison released not only Tom Clarke and his comrades last century but released the Irish nation from slavery, so the same spirit will release not from Belfast, but it will sweep away the Border and rescue our people in the North-East corner of Ulster from the loathesome tyranny of sectarian strife and Orange persecution.
This issue of PRISON BARS is devoted mainly to letters from men and women of different political outlook but who all subscribe to the national objective.
The whole of Ireland for the Irish people.
Ireland Unanimous No Peace with England While Partition Lasts
These are Mr. de Valera's words: "Quite obviously, the existing Partition would be a grave danger, to England in the event of that European war."
"Discontent, particularly along the Border, is widespread, and if a new war were to come whilst Partition lasts the sentiments of he majority of the Irish people would be exactly the one of the sentiments of the Irish people after . . ."
"I state categorically that no Irish leader will ever be able to get the Irish people to co-operate with Great Britain while Partition remains. I wouldn't attempt it myself, for I know I should fail."
THE ORANGE SECRET SOCIETY. When Ministers, magistrates and criminals, belong to the same secret, oath-bound society, pledged to support each other, it is gangster rule.
THE ORANGE SECRET SOCIETY
IT is the instrument used by England to inoculate the healthy body of Ireland with the foulest disease of sectarian strife. The disease only exists in the North-east corner where Orangeism has thrived. So let us examine the Orange Order.
Freemasons started in 1796 by and Tans of the 18th century, who were the terror of the farming community in the North. This rift-raft, who came over to Ireland in the wake of the great city companies to whom sold much of the confiscated lands, were called Peep O'Day Boys, from their habit of descending on sleeping and peaceful farmers, to loot and rob, at the early hours.
This is how they are described in the "History of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland," cp. 1, p. 96:
"From Scotland he (Stuart, Pro- (Continued on Page 2).
RELIEF FUND SUGGESTION WELCOMED
A Chara.
Your suggestion, that a Relief Fund be opened for the victims of Ulster, is a welcome one. Public opinion has been aroused by the campaign of coercion and victimisation by the Craigavon Government against republicans and anti-partitionists, and we feel that it is should show their sympathy with sufferings of those who have stood steadfast in their Republican Faith.
There are at present many political prisoners in Belfast jail serving savage sentences of from six months to ten years—some for so-called Treason Felony, others for being in possession of documents of an historical nature, but all suffering for their belief in their country's independence.
There is at present in operation in North-East Ulster a system of terrorism not equalled in Europe. We live under a tyrannical police dictatorship. Men and boys are arrested for refusal to answer questions even though answering them means incrimination. Women and girls are torn from their homes and thrown into jail on the flimsiest of charges. Deportation orders, homes raided at all hours without arrant, ill-feed of the terrorists—we are only a few of the suspects methods adopted against those who believe in the Nation's Independence.
The unkeep of the Prisoners' Dependants is a cause well worthy of resources. The generosity of local resources, under great difficulties, over a period of years, has sufficed to maintain them but, under the stress of unemployment, it has become more difficult to subscribe the same to require. We, therefore, seek to maintain the matter a national responsibility.
An appeal for the creation of a (Continued on Page 4)

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Before the Jail Door Closed TADHG BARRY
Wrote this Article for THE VOICE OF LABOUR.
The VOICE OF LABOUR
The Vineyard & the Labourer's Wage.
[This is sound though stimulating work on an every-day problem of labour organisation. We hope to take war, pending his release, the workers of Ireland must buy up and read his book, "Gaol Poems," 1/3, post free, from the Art Depot.—Editor, Voice of Labour.]
One of the questions which have arisen out of the trades disputes of recent times is the relative value of skilled and unskilled labour. Or rather more often the discussion has taken the form of criticism of the demands of unskilled workers for wages which approached that of the tradesman in money value. This idea of an unskilled worker's pay being as a matter of course much less than a tradesman is a survival of the antiquated system of apprenticeship with its big fee, indentures and timed period without which the knowledge, or rather the right to knowledge, was denied and the trade made a close borough for a favoured few.
The Value of the Labour
also was reckoned as that of the article or material produced without any reference to the wear or tear of the worker, even as a human machine. Consequently the value of unskilled labour was in the very inverse ratio to the energy required for its fulfilment. Capital allowed certain values to be placed on the training and mental acquirement, where the cost of such made a high money value return the only incentive to its pursuit. Where the pursuit became common, such as that of the clerk work attendant on commerce, the value went down while the status of the position remained high. Thus the description had the latter's wages. The unskilled worker with the wages of the clerk had no appearance to keep up and dress amount and lived more in keeping with the family, his appearance and home comfort being in accordance with the clerk's dependence on his earnings. The number of persons had to be maintained irrespective of his family and a shabby gentility abroad and
Hunger at Home,
resulted. The labourer was in this respect much better off as the manual labour at least brought restful sleep to a tired frame, whilst the mental labour, with its attendant worries, multiplied by the worry of the accumulated debts coincident with shabby gentility, added a sleepless night to a worrying day. In neither case was the full value of the
share in the production of profit given by the employer, but instead of the share value proper, the labour market was manipulated to make the worker, pension or pickman, bargain for the right to be allowed, not to earn his share value, but a pittance commensurate with his employer's opinion of his usefulness in the production of a profit.
Sweated Labour
was the delight of Capitalism whose responsibility to the family of the slave-earner was removed under the guise of giving the slave his freedom, the reality being that it was the capitalist who secured the more freedom as he was free of the charge of the upkeep of the slave and his family. No employer would keep a horse if he could hire one, when needed, cheaper and with less personal responsibility than by ownership. So with a worker. The inrush of European labour into the States made the hired slave (called a freeman) cheaper than the owned slave with a family. So the freed slaves were engaged at really less cost than when they had to be with their families, kept and clothed, groomed and doctored. So it has been with capital and labour right along the line, and the slave has been taught to look upon his freedom to receive coin instead of the necessaries of life as an advance. The skully and trouble of securing his status, was harder to procure and so fetched a better price, and learning to know his value even when the market was oversupplied. The unskilled worker was
Too Easily Procured
to get a market value until a tradition of superiority had been secured for the skilled variety. Even the latter variety at times was not in receipt of the necessaries of life, such as were given to the mediaeval slave (and the modern draught horse). The idea of the freed slave, securing and unskilled, being not the securing of the value of his labour in the production of profits, but of the highest value which the employer chose to allow him in the labour market. The stream of education has made both skilled and unskilled realise that something is radically wrong with a system which gives the children of the capitalist a college education while the children of the labourer go barefoot to school. We have got so far that the State has secured that the children will be red. But we are still far from a proper realisation of the value of labour in the production of wealth. Capital has an admitted value while nationalism exists, which will become a fact in peace as it has actually, if blunderingly, become in war. While admitting the present necessity of capital and its consequent value, let us realise the
greater necessity of labour and its real value and we will begin to realise that not alone are we slaves but that we are worse than slaves, inasmuch that while the slave dreams of freedom we have only
Breamt of More Crumbs
from master's table. If we realise this we shall not have, as I have heard, workers criticising each others demands as going too far. The master would like us to continue to look on a "five bob" advance as five bob more to spend, not as a crumb knocked off his table by the wind of the labour upheaval, which is caused by the war of one set of capitalists against another, to the destruction and consequent search of the slaves who fight at their masters' bidding. The slaves who are wracked in their predecessors who were wracked in the slave states. They are mursed, fed, clothed, aye, and their families are seen to fate the wage-slave why not they are done for the fashion. Why industry? It only needs organisation to secure, but the wage slave's mind does not realise his power. He should believe that the nervous dismay of the capitalist at the success of Ireland's one-day strike. As if it was out of pure philanthropy that the production of profit, which means increased Capital. We have to recognise that the good of mankind demands not more Capital so much as more Labour.
The Proper Share
of labour's production must be redirected from the production of capital at the expense of labour to the production of more labour (viz., by short hours, redistribution of energy, etc.). It must also win back the privileges given up to secure the right to choose employment and employer. We must secure that the family of the wage slave must be as much a charge on industry in freedom as they were in slavery. Until that is secured either through the State or through the individual capitalist we are not finished with our task, but must get on with the war against Capital for the recovery of our lost provinces. This is the value we must put on labour, skilled and unskilled, and recognise that it distinction is to be drawn between it if not be on the lines of money value as purchasing power, but on the lines of the relative value of labour in the production of the same profits, such relative values to be assessed, not in dollars, but in energy. This will be for some day in the near future, when labour rules. In the meantime, get on with the war.
TADHG BARRY.
Printed for the "Irish Labour Press," 27 Dawson St., by Messrs. Cahill and Co., Ltd., Ormond Quay, Dublin. Registered as a Newspaper.

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DEATH OF GENERAL O'DUFFY
GENERAL EOIN O'DUFFY, Commissioner of the Garda Siochana from December, 1922, to February, 1933, died in a Dublin private nursing home yesterday. He had been in failing health for the past two years. He was aged 52, and was unmarried. Born in South Monaghan in 1892, he was a civil engineer by profession.
He joined the I.R.A. in 1917, became Commanding Officer in the Monaghan area and took part in engagements there. Mr. Frank Aiken, now Minister for the Coordination of Defensive Measures, was Officer Commanding the I.R.A. in the adjoining area.
General O'Duffy's work in Monaghan was so successful that he was called to Dublin to become Director of Organisation of the Volunteers under Michael Collins. During the Belfast programs against Catholics, he held that the only way to smash the programs was to shoot those responsible, and he became known as "Give 'em the lead, O'Duffy." He voted for the "Treaty," and became Chief of Staff on the death of Michael Collins.
Shortly before Christmas, 1922, he accepted the late Kevin O'Higgins's invitation to be Commissioner of the Gardai in succession to Mr. Michael Staines, and in 1924, when Free State Army officers mutinied, he was appointed Chief of Staff of the Army also. He was in charge of the Army and Garda for a year.
In his work as Commissioner of the Garda, General O'Duffy showed great energy and application to detail, making many tours of the country on inspection visits to even the most remote districts. Under his direction athletics were developed among the Gardai and they won their first All-Ireland hurling final.
The principles of organisation which he laid down in the early years of the Gardai still form the foundations of the force to-day.
He made many visits to the Continent and the U.S.A. to police conferences. While he was in New York, Colonel
Scott, of the New York Police, presented him with the bonds which established the Scott medals for bravery in the Garda. Later he led 400 on a pilgrimage to Rome, where they were received by the Pope.
During the Eucharistic Congress he was in charge of the marshalling of about one million people.
After the election of 1932 he continued in office under the Fianna Fail Government. Conflict soon arose and he was offered alternative employment but preferred to retire on pension.
A few months later he entered politics when he was elected director of the "National Guard," which replaced the Army Comrades' Association founded by Dr. T. F. O'Higgins, T.D.
He was also elected President of Fine Gael in 1933. Mr. Cosgrave stepping down in his favour.
General O'Duffy's Blueshirt movement, as it became known, came under the Government's ban on uniformed organisations. Following many stormy scenes in various parts of the 26 Counties in which Blueshirts were involved, O'Duffy was arrested at Westport in December, 1933, but was released following a Habeas Corpus action in the High Courts. Later the movement was split, with O'Duffy leading one section and Comdt. Edward Cronin in charge of the other.
In 1935, following difference with Mr. Cosgrave and the other leaders of Fine Gael, he was expelled from the party and Mr. Cosgrave resumed leadership.
For a while General O'Duffy went into semi-retirement, during which he was in the public eye as organiser of athletes, but in 1936 he organised a body of about 1,000 volunteers to fight on General Franco's side in the Spanish Civil War.
They returned after about a year in two parties, and General O'Duffy said that the Government's adherence to the Non-Intervention policy—in pursuance of which Irish citizens were prohibited from going to Spain to fight on either side—prevented further recruitment. He was faced, he said, with the choice of losing their national identity in the Spanish Army or returning, and he chose to return.
Since his return from Spain General O'Duffy devoted a great deal of time to athletics and he also wrote a book entitled "Crusade in Spain." He gave some broadcasts from Radio Eireann this year on sport activities.
He had taken a keen interest in the G.A.A., and was President of the N.A.C.A. In August, 1932, he went with the Irish team to the Olympic Games in Los Angeles.
His remains will be removed to the Pro-Cathedral to-day at 6 p.m., and the funeral will be to Glasnevin tomorrow.
CONDOLENCE.
The General Purposes Committee of the National Athletic and Cycling Association and the Council of the Amateur Athletic Union voted sympathy with the relatives.
Messages of sympathy were received at the nursing home from the following:—Mr. W. Cosgrave; Gen. R. Mulcahy, T.D.; Mr. Sean Collins (Land Commission); Captain P. Quinn (Gowran); Padraig O'Keefe (Gen. Sec. G.A.A.); District Justice and Mrs. C. J. Beatty; Mr. Sean Ryan, solr., and Mrs. S. Ryan; Mr. P. Duffy (relative); Major P. Dalton, Mr. T. Cullen (Vice President, N.A.C.A.), Mr. J. P. Trainor, Mr. William Levey.

--- Page 60 ---
MacGUINNESS'S MARCH.
(Air—“ The Heather Glen.”)
O! Have you heard the story,
Ireland is aflame,
The land resounds with glory
Of MacGuinness's name,
And those who late were mocking,
Around our Flag are flocking,
And Dublin's towers are rocking
At South Longford's fame.
Then hail to Joe MacGuinness,
Hail ! MacGuinness, hail !
He's surely going to win us
Fame from Lewes Jail ;
The news goes loudly crashing,
Our victory was smashing,
John Redmond's got a thrashing
Headlong through the Pale.
South Longford's voice has spoken
And wiped out every stain,
Nugent's gang are broken
Never to rise again ;
Our youth have got the notion,
From Midlands to the ocean
The land is in commotion
Hosting to Sinn Féin.
—G. A. L.

--- Page 61 ---
July 1st, 1922.
COUNTRY LIFE.
879
THE ASSASSINATION OF FIELD-MARSHAL
SIR HENRY WILSON
SINCE the war no other event has caused so great a horror and indignation as the assassination of Sir Henry Wilson. It is deepen the effect of the circumstances that combined to deepen the tragedy. Everyone knows, now the war is over, how much the country owed to the far-seeing eye, the commanding intellect, the resolute character of the soldier who not only foresaw the coming of war, but studied the ground and laid out detailed plans. To take only one example, he and his colleagues managed the transport of troops so successfully that not a soldier was lost on the way, and the Germans were unaware that the first divisions of the army commanded by Lord French had crossed the Channel till they met them on the field of battle. Who can say how many ships and men would have perished but for this foresight?
narchy may be attacked at the centre. Nations of men cannot live together unless they agree to observe the unwritten laws of the social contract. Law came into being in order that justice, in the first words of the Prayer Book, should be "indifferently" administered. It can be easily understood that Sir Henry Wilson was an object of the hatred that is born of fear. The Sinn Feiners are, at the moment, depressed because at the polls moderation has triumphed signally over extremism. De Valera is challenging the result of the election. He may be trusted to go on doing so until he gives up the hope of being the first President of the Irish Republic. Wilson recognised in him an enemy of the State, and he drew a firm line of distinction between the friend with
SIR HENRY WILSON'S FUNERAL.
The procession leaving the house of the late Field-Marshal.
Wilson also was the first to see that unity of command was essential to victory, and, fortunately, he found in Mr. Lloyd George a Prime Minister of quick apprehension who caught the force of his argument and applied it.
There is no need to dwell on this aspect of his career. It is familiar to all. Nor is it the did not agree his with the Irish policy officially adopted, and whether the politician or the soldier be right, time alone can determine. No Minister doubted his high-mindedness or his integrity. Personally he was the object of esteem and affection. Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Rathenau, lost their power of utterance when the tragedy became known. There is no need to dwell on that. It is sufficient that Marshal Wilson was a law-abiding citizen shot on his own doorstep by men who had no personal grievance, but in all probability were only tools employed by men of higher standing and authority. That opens the most important concentration of the public mind of Sir Henry Wilson leads to a brief procession of the mind and will on a search for the hidden hand, even his death will not be too high a price to pay for discovering how the forces of
whom one has a difference of opinion and the enemy who does not march to the same drummer and whose ultimate object is the opposite of his own. Wilson and the same drummer who out boldly what he thought, and anarchy, whatever be of saying it takes, whatever be the country it inhabits, will not tolerate frank independence. Death is their last resource. It has been in Minister for Foreign Affairs, shows that Kaiserism does not disdain to follow the example of Sinn Feiner and Bolshevism and make murder the final political argument.
A more sinister menace to civilisation could not be imagined. The answer may be made that there is nothing new in these occurrences. Similar crimes have been committed in the past. Emperors, kings, presidents and statesmen, good and bad, have perished at the hands of a criminal, and the world has gone on as before. It is a very dangerous argument. Many historic crimes feud ; but in this case the policy of insanity or a private feud ; but in this case the outrage is for bearance has been carried to its utmost limit.

--- Page 62 ---
DEATH OF EAMONN DONNELLY
EAMONN DONNELLY, M.P. for the Falls Division of Belfast, died yesterday in a Dublin Nursing Home, where he had been for the last month. He was 67.
His passing ends a life of struggle under arms, in British and Irish jails and in the political arena for Irish independence.
The remains will be removed to Newry to-day and the funeral will take place to-morrow.
Eamonn Donnelly was connected with the national movement in Co. Armagh since his school days. Born at Middletown in County Armagh, he was one of the first Volunteers in the county, and was associated also with Sinn Fein, the G.A.A. and the Gaelic League.
In 1916, with Volunteers from Belfast, Tyrone and Armagh, he marched to Coalisland, where Northern units were to assemble for the Rising. He was afterwards interned in England.
On release he returned to Armagh and threw himself into the work of re-organising the scattered forces in South Ulster. His activities brought him into conflict with the authorities of Armagh Asylum, where he was storekeeper, and he resigned. He was foremost in building up the Sinn Fein election machine which gave such an account of itself in the historic 1918 election.
From 1918 until the Truce in 1921, Eamonn Donnelly fought with Volunteer units in Armagh. He remained Republican after the "Treaty," and was arrested and interned by the newly-formed Six-County Government.
When released again, his organising ability was recognised and he was appointed organiser of Sinn Fein, disrupted as a result of the Civil War. Before he was many months in charge of organisation he was called upon, in 1925, to direct elections in the Six-County area for which Republican candidates had been nominated.
Although all the Sinn Fein candidates polled heavily, the only successful candidate was Eamonn Donnelly himself, who was returned for South
Armagh—a constituency he represented as an Abstentionist for five years.
Although a member of the Six-County Parliament he was served with an expulsion order at Goraghwood in 1925, signed by Sir Dawson Bates, Home Secretary, prohibiting him from living in any part of the area except Antrim (outside Belfast).
For defying this order by addressing an election meeting in support of Mr. de Valera's candidature for South Down he was arrested in Newry in 1938 and sent to Belfast Jail for a month.
Five years later, in 1938, when addressing another de Valera election meeting at Newry, he was again arrested and served another month. On his return to his home at Newry, police warned him that he
would have to leave the area at once. He refused and had lived there until his last illness without further molestation.
In 1939 he was pioneer in a campaign of public meetings against Partition in all parts of the country and in Britain.
In 1933 he was elected a Fianna Fall deputy for Leix-Offaly, topping the poll, and was appointed Chief Organiser for the party. He was Director of Elections in two of the General Elections since 1932. He was a member of the Fianna Fall National Executive until September last.
He was one of the speakers at the meeting in the Mansion House for the reprieve of Peter Barnes and James McCormick.
He was elected Abstentionist M.P. for the Falls Division in 1942.
GREEN CROSS SECRETARY.
He was one of the organisers of the Green Cross to assist the dependents of Six-County Republican internees and was instrumental in raising £45,000 for the fund, and acted as Secretary at the Belfast offices.
His last public appearance was at the Fianna Fall Ard-Fheis in September, when he appealed for a fresh drive to end Partition.
At Fianna Fall H.Q. in Dublin it was pointed out yesterday that Eamonn Donnelly was director of elections in the famous Longford-Westmeath by-election in 1930, when Mr. James Geoghegan (now Mr. Justice Geoghegan) was returned as Fianna Fall deputy—the first victory of the organisation in a by-election, described later as "the turning of the tide."
FUNERAL ARRANGEMENTS.
The funeral will leave the Nursing Home, Herbert Street, Dublin, at 10.30 to-day for St. Andrew's Church, Westland Row, where Requiem Mass will be celebrated at 11 o'clock. The remains will leave at 1 o'clock for Amiens Street Station for the 2.15 train, arriving Newry Edward Street at 4.50.
Funeral to-morrow from his late residence, Courtenay Hill, to St. Mary's Cemetery at 2.30.

--- Page 63 ---
[ALTO file: no text lines]

--- Page 64 ---
Wolfe Gone and Ninety Eight
Memorial Association
This is to Certify that
Mr
of
WAS ADMITTED A Member of the Association
1
John Oleary President
CAVE HILL COMPACT,
JUNE 11TH 1795.
FOUNDATION STONE,
NATIONAL MEMORIAL
S. GREEN, DUBLIN,
LAND AUGUST 15TH
1898
DUBLIN, 23RD JULY,
1803
FRENCH LANDING
AT KILLALA AUGUST 22TH
1798.
GUY & CO. LTD COPK

--- Page 65 ---
ELECTORS OF COUNTY DUBLIN
DO YOU KNOW
15
6
22
of any other Candidate who
stands in this Election simply for
THE FREE STATE?
The Free State is the paramount
question before you. Therefore the
Free State Candidate should get
YOUR FIRST VOTE
LIKE THIS:—
1 | FIGGIS. Darrell Figgis, 24 Kildare st., Dublin.
COUNTY DUBLIN ELECTION
The Labour Candidate Replies to a Mean and
Mallicious Lie.
False stories are in circulation throughout the Constituency respecting my activities in the Labour Movement during my life in Belfast, and in particular of the lying tale that I, while there, was a bitter Orange partisan. The following letter which has been sent out to the Editor of "New Ireland" will serve as a refutation of the slander, through the wider publicity of your columns.
THOMAS JOHNSON.
(Copy).
12th June, 1922
A Chara-
It appears from your last issue that my activities in the Irish Labour Movement are giving you some concern. To safeguard you from making inaccurate statements, due to want of knowledge, I think it well to place you in possession of the following facts regarding myself.
As long ago as the years '96, '97, '98 and '99 I was doing my little best in the Counties Cork and Waterford as a youthful advocate of Co-operation and Labour representation. I was one of those who was able to rejoice in the victories of Labour at the elections which followed the 1898 Local Government Act. Since those years so long ago I have been a steady and active worker for Labour representation and co-operation, both industrial and agricultural, in all parts of the country. Even though it may appear to those who have no inside knowledge of the Labour movement that my activities in Irish Labour began after 1916, no one in Ireland who was conversant with affairs in the Co-operative or the Trade Union world, or the Co-operative or Labour newspapers, but would know how misleading are your statements in this respect.
Rumours have been current through the country respecting my life in Belfast. I am prepared to abide by the decision of any jury of Belfast Catholics, Whether drawn from the Co-operative Society there, the Political Labour Movement, the Trade Union Movement, the Sinn Fein Movement, or the old United Irish League, as to my political conduct, public or private.
For about seventeen years during my residence in Belfast I was an active worker in the Labour cause, and always sought for the right of the minority. The circumstances which called me to Dublin to reside, and which led to a great deal more publicity than I ever sought or desired, appeared to have led you to think that my Labour advocacy is of a new growth. As a matter of fact the Dublin Labour men of the 1913 strike period knew my record well enough to allow me to take a prominent and considerable part in the celebrated Shelbourne Hotel negotiations with the Dublin Employers.
In 1918 you wrote in "New Ireland" something about my ambition for a seat at Westminster, and my antipathy to the Sinn Fein policy. I sent you a disclaimer, which you published, and I thought had accepted, but now I see you repeat the statement. It is really of very little concern, but it is rather a pity that public men should allow their prejudices to blind their judgment. I suggest that my knowledge of the Labour Movement, and my close personal intimacy with James Connolly during his years in Belfast give me at least a good title to form a judgment of his policy and principles as you could possibly have.
Yours faithfully.
THOMAS JOHNSON.
Since the above letter was written the rumours referred to have developed into positive charges bence the necessity for the publication of this statement.
T. J.

--- Page 66 ---
THE RED FLAG IN DUBLIN.
MR 15TH TIMES
SCENES AT A MANSION HOUSE
MEETING. 5.2.18
Animated scenes occurred at the Mansion House, Dublin, last night, when a meeting was held "to congratulate the Russian people on the triumph they have won for democratic principles." The Round Room was unable to accommodate the crowd, with the result that overflow meetings had to be held in the Supper Room and outside the building. During the proceedings "The Red Flag" was sung, and red, and republican flags were waved amid general cheering. Mr. William O'Brien, Chairman of the Executive of the Irish Trades Union Congress, presided in the Round Room, and on the platform were some Russian Bolsheviki.
The Chairman declared that they were met to acclaim the Russian revolution. Ireland wanted the same freedom which Russia had won, and was prepared to fight for it. They repudiated Mr. Henderson's right to speak for Irish labour.
A telegram conveying greetings was read from the Bolshevik representative in London.
A resolution congratulating the Russian people on winning their freedom was proposed by Mr. Cathal O'Shannon, and seconded by Mrs. Connery.
Mr. Thomas Johnston asked whether they were prepared to follow the action of the Russian revolutionaries, and do the whole job at once. (Cries of "Yes" and "No.")
Mr. Conrad Peterson, who announced himself as a Russian Social Democrat, spoke strongly in favour of the struggle for peace and liberty.
Dr. Kathleen Lynn said that some people were shy of acclaiming Russia for fear of the cry of anti-clericalism. That cry had been raised against men and movements which the British Government had reason to fear, because it knew that that cry was the most potent to cast a slur on any cause in this country and make the ordinary unthinking person afraid of it.
Mr. P. Coates could not say how pleased he was to hear the singing of "The Red Flag" in the Mansion House. He did not know if it was the first time it had been sung there, but it would not be the last. (Cheers.) When they won their liberty they would transform the Viceregal Lodge into the headquarters of the Transport Workers' Union.
Madame Marckievicz, Mrs. Gonne-McBride, and Messrs. Ginnell, Foran, O'Hea, and Sidney Arnold, described as a Bolshevik, also spoke.
After the meeting a crowd marched through the streets, but there was no disturbance. A force of police was on duty near the Mansion House.

--- Page 67 ---
SINN FEIN DEMONSTRATIONS
MEETINGS AND OPEN DRILLING.
1.1. 20 (XI) 1917
Mr. Darrel Figgis, lecturing at Cavan Town Hall, said he believed that Ireland's freedom stood a good chance of being won within 18 months without one drop of bloodshed. According to the procedure of previous Peace Conferences, the coming Peace Conference would be bound to consider the case put before it by the delegates of an Irish Assembly representing three-fourths of the nation. As an integral part of the Empire Ireland would be taxed 50 millions. Hence the Irish Republic was the best business proposition ever put before the people.
In a letter to a S.F. meeting at Stradbally, Rev. Father Burbage described the Irish Party as an unscrupulous supporter of Unionism. Ald. W. L. Cole said the Convention would offer Ireland something only slightly better than the Home Rule Bill which left all the vital power in the hands of England. Mr. Sean Brown, Dublin, warned the farmers that Bonar Law intended to restore landlordism under the name of "The State." Mr. P. P. Doyle, R.D.C., Athy, presided, and Mr. Kevin Higgins was secretary. Volunteers came to the meeting with officers in uniform, and marched through the town.
PARADES WITH UNIFORMS.
Messrs. Ml. Morris, J.P., and Patk. Bradley, J.P., were elected president and vice-president of a S.F. club formed at Greencastle, Co. Tyrone, following a meeting addressed by Mr. Geo. Murnaghan, solr.; Mr. John O'Hanrahan, solr., and others. Despite the appeal of Rev. F. M'Geown, P.P., for orderliness, much disturbance took place, local Hibernians heckling the speakers. Cheers for "Redmond and the Allies" evoked countercries, and stones being thrown at Mr. O'Hanrahan, the police interfered to put a stop to a dangerous situation.
Count Plunkett said at Skerries that public opinion would drive the foreigner out of the land without the shedding of a drop of blood. He was not in favour of shedding blood. e
The Nenagh Irish Volunteers, two of whose members are in jail for drilling, paraded at full strength. The Boy Scouts were drilled at the Courthouse Square, and subsequently went on a route-march. Jas. Coleman, farmer, Ballycrana, was welcomed at Midleton on his release from Cork Jail, and the Midleton men marched under Mr. John Brady (rate-collector), another ex-prisoner, to meet the Ballycrana contingent.

--- Page 68 ---
1943
1944
AILTIRÍ na hAISÉIRŞE
CUARASCƃÁIL BLIANTÚIL
CEANNAIRE: GEARÓID Ó CUINNEAGÁIN
BAILL EILE DE'N ÁRD-CÒMÀINLE DO 1943/44
COMÁS Ó DOCANTAIŞ, (TIMÈINE NÁISIÚNTA)
RIDBÁRD BREAÈNAC, (CORCAIŞ)
SEÁN Ó HÉANNAIC, (CORCAIŞ)
EOIN Ó COIGLIŞ, (LUŞBAŪ)
PÁDNAIŞ Ó FIANNÍŞÚSA, (PORCLÁINGE)
SEOSAIN Ó CEALLAIŞ (BEALAC AN DOINÍN)
RISCÉARD MAC SIACUS, (LUIMNEAC)
GEARÓID Ó BROIN, (ÁÈ CLIAÈ)
SEÁN Ó HURMOLTAIŞ (ÁÈ CLIAÈ)
CIOLANN AN TSEABAIC TEO, 102 SRÁID DORSAIT ÍOC., ÁÈ CLIAÈ.
GUCÁN 21840
"Muimigin as Dia, Dócas as Éirinn, Misneac i n Gnóim"
AILTIRÍ NA HAISÉIRŞE
"Cónascistúil coithonnach agus Geilteagnac i néirinn saoin Gaedealais"
13 SRÁID FEARCÀIN,
ÁÈ CLIAÈ.
12ab Deine Fómain, 1944.
CUARAFCƃÁIL BLIANTÚIL GO MEÁN FÓMAIN, 1944
Go mbeannuigid Dia dunt, a còm-aitcine! An bealac ní gád níos mó a déanam ná dáca, dea agus clán na licneac peansanta cá cuairin agaid pá staid na heagnaíocta i látain na h-uaine, gid ead nac cuairin ró-cruim an pao i b'féidir ag roimit mait agaid. I mbeagán pocal ba mó i bpao Gluaiseact Aiséirige i bpoinair 1943 ná i bpoinair 1942 agus is mó an pao i bpoinair na bliana seo. Ní cumann impis anois i gclánú baill pingite, dorinán baill a clánuigtean moir de gnátac ins an am amháin. Cá cumann againn nó cá nucleus Cumann, i, cimtine agus congancóiní, ag obair dúinn pá látain ins na h-áiteala seo teanas, diomaoite de oirigtean lliad (mar bpuil ag cliac seact, ác cliac guaid, gailim, úirio)—
Dealgán, Porcláinge, Dún Garbán, Cluain fheala, Dún Droma, Dúrlas Éile, Tiobnaid Árann, Ác Cliac(cailiní) Corcaig, Daile Daigin, Ros Treoin, Dealein, An Doinín, Dáin--Ghoréad na Dannoan, Maimiscin na Gunoin, Teampail Mór, Sioinean, Lios Cuatail, Cill Cuinnig, Drí Cualann, Inbean Mór, Daile fhistéala, Cill Doine, Deanntraige, An Cód, Ác luain, Mág Árnaide, Ác findia, Tiamas, Cairlinn, Luimneac, An Uain, Ceannais Main--na Carpn, Aonac Uiriumhan, Doirnis--Maila, Cainnair--na Sibúine, Luac-Máig, Maghomta, Maille, Clain, Cairraig--na Sibúine, Tacain na Maint, Déal Áca na Sluag, Muileann Ceint, Ác Cliac, Cairlin--Léigim, Roscomain, Dún Laogaine, Sgeiní, An Ailt, Lann Léine, Coillán, Duosna, An Seogbainín, Maimiscin Feanmuige, Pasáisce Éian.
Deagán ní h-onain ag déanam éac ac lion fion. Go leonntar deascuigeann síoin-spreagad agus síoin-treoinú ó'n príoimí-árus, agus ó na h-árd-deannasaideannaí uaca. Cuid eile, adriuigimío, nac nobanann paic, do néir cosblacta, muir mbíd oirigeac éigin ag teact nó i látain as ac cabainte.
Thar sin péin cha h-é i látain cun dreithias. Seo leonntar an coinneac? Ní h-onain corainn agus corad. Is iomad sil ann cun cabnuigte le gluaiseact náisiúnta amail Aiséirige. An cús bí géar-iriactaine le dian-boltsaineact, le cruimnigteacta puiblí cun aimn na h-eagnaíocta a cun i mbéalaid an pobail. Inoir ní h-é sin an gan is goine do'n scoinnac anois nuair atá án gluaiseact ac a bonnaí go daingean doct. Cuille oirigeac lán-aimseanac ac a ponnaí a cun an eagnaíoct ac ac de deí go mór mór anois, dir eagnaíoct a mainpeas agus can gluaiseact náisiúnta a imteocas, a teascuigeas uainne. Deart le déanam! Saonú tíne, slánú ceangad, buanú saoi-ostai! Uainn peabain beag ólúid nac h-eagla leo aon námair, buan-iorbaint, scig-magú.
Gan amras níos cábactaige ná cimtiní nó ná clui pao-leiteadac cá an spionad. An spionad a cótuigeas an deancad gun cun glóine Dé, ós croinn gac mó eile, a paot-ruigimío agus ní cun ónóra na h-Éireann amháin. An spionad nac leigeann dúinn ár salú péin le suaracas saolta an clá-doiní an cláide. Act a méaduigeas agus an ceanningeas de fion ár sineach bunaigte an muinigin gan ceonainn as Dia, misneac a geobpas go luac buaid Sasana agus na ndeacnac-caí uilig go léir eile. "I néirinn na h-Aiséirige cuinpean pálite noin an riág." Gona, deirnío le h-áitéid, i h-Aiséirige, ní h-é cluseact a dá an am an incinn le na nobanann cá ó. Dé an scrioba a teascuigeann deine uaidreacta i h-Aiséirige. . . . Ác, a Gaedeala, pogluimigid go capaid coinnas gnóite a déanam, cábact ama. Seo an picead aon! Coin doilig agus cá sé cuairisc míosúil a páil go rialta ó Cumann!
ARTOLA: Is soiléin go bpuil peabas an-mór ag teact an gluaiseact an pud na tíne. Leoga cá neant eile le déanam, ac cá cús maidir le suim an pobail a muscailt ann go deimnigteac. Cá bonnad beag ann preisin pá ceist na ceonanna. Mar sin péin ní éig linn a beit ri-pásta leis an sobal. Ainn déantannac i h-oirigtean bpoil an saoin paic na ngráist dá déanam ag an rialtas i bpoinair uaidreac náisiúnta a linn Sasan! De piacad orainne, Gaedit, géiltscin do rig na ngaill pós mar rig na ngaill de h-áit seact mile aindeoin! Cá ridn againn racán an pognam a déanam ó tead go caoid na píre leo na bpion-moreanac uilig a cábaint an an pad teasc beit a uaidre mí-morealta agus dúiteil aomála eadain-náisiúnta do coilt ár naoaine, porpuagna 1916.
ARTOLA: Ní éig leis an Roinn Solaircí go pú lán méaracáin a cur i leatead dúinn le h-agad cimtineacta. "Sál ac de de ngalún sin an mí cuinte a beartainn an tealcaí céall 600 galún gac mí. Aiséirige 0. Cotroim na féinne (páil!)"
CIOMÓAIL NÁISIÚNTA: 28ab Deine Fómain, ins an 1.000 p.m. 3.00 p.m. go ocí 6.00 p.m.
CLÁR
1. Cúpla pocal ó'n Ceannaine.
2. Cuarascbáil.
3. Díosbóineact agus déascónact.
Ní cá aon ceist le pliad deine do coilt cuin spin i n-am paoi (a) eagnaíoct (b) boltsaineact (c) aingeadas (d) gnóite iol-coitcanta.
4. Cogad Ceannaine pá coinne thí mblian.
5. Cogad an ceannaire.
6. Cogad bainéid áindóinn na h-Árd-foiminne an molad an ceannaire.
7. Ainmneocáid an Ceannaine ceatran ball eile coimainte.
Amháin na bplian. Tae: Céiltór na hAiséirige ins an Jairdán na Dpainne. Déine.

--- Page 69 ---
THE LATE MAJOR
REDMOND
EVG
Telegraph
13. VI. 1917
Requiem Mass in
Dublin
HIS FAREWELL
MESSAGE
Chaplain's Story of Gallant
Fight and Death
The Clongowes Union, of which Major Redmond was a member, assisted at a Solemn Requiem Mass for the Francis of his soul at the Church of St. Francis Xavier, Upper Gardiner street, Dublin, to-day. In addition to the past students of Clongowes and Tullabeg Colleges and their friends, a very large congregation of the general public assisted at the ceremonies, which were of a most impressive character.
The celebrant of the Mass was Rev. Vincent Byrne, S.J.; deacon, Rev. James Fottrell, S.J.; sub-deacon, Rev. Joseph Tunney, S.J.; and master of ceremonies, Rev. Charles Farley, S.J. Several other clergymen were also present.
The music was the Gregorian plain chant, and was rendered by the male choir, under the direction of Dr. Larchet. Chopin's Funeral March was played on the organ, and "The Last Post" was sounded by six trumpeters of the Royal Irish Fusiliers.
Amongst the members of the Union in attendance were—Sir John Lynch, Sir Joseph M'Grath, hon. secretary; Henry J. Campbell, hon. treasurer; Sir Andrew Horne, Henry J. Maguire, Bernard Roche, B.L.;
attack we slept in the same cellar—he on the bare floor, I on a stretcher. He brought up the old subject, saying that unless the General allowed him to mount the parapet with his regiment he would resign. I prevailed on him to address the Royal Irish on the eve of the battle, and no one who heard him can ever forget his words; but even a that hour he had not received the permission to go and die with them.
"I cannot express how I feel for you, but neither can I express how much I admired him in his life, and admire him in his death.
"I am,
"Yours very sincerely,
"(REV.) E. KELLY, C.F."
WORLD-WIDE REGRET
Bishops' Tributes
Further messages of sympathy received from Ireland, England, and abroad, received by Mrs. William Redmond and Mr. John Remond include the following:—
THE BISHOP OF KILLALOE.
Dear Mr. Redmond—Alas, what I long dreaded has come at last. This accursed war has claimed as one of its expiating victims our brave and beloved member, your dear brother Willie. I feel for you greatly. I could see in our many talks of twelve years how strongly devoted were he and you to one another. It will be some particle of consolation to you to know that his death is deploied and lamented by almost everyone in Clare, even by those whose political views differed from his and yours.
As far myself, I not only esteemed him, but was fondly attached to him. I lamented and mourn his sad death more than I could
"GIVE MY WIFE MY LAST THOUGHT
AND LOVE."
The following statement, dated December, 1916, was left by Major Redmond in the keeping of his solicitor in Ireland:—
"If I should die abroad I will give my wife my last thought and love, and ask her to pray that we may meet hereafter. I shall die a true Irish Catholic, humbly hoping for mercy from God through the intercession of His Blessed Mother, Whose help I have ever invoked all through my life.
"I should like all my friends in Ireland to know that in joining the Irish Brigade and going to France I sincerely believed, as all the Irish Soldiers do, that I was doing my best for the welfare of Ireland in every way."

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CONNOLLY AND COMPROMISE, PAGE 295.
IRISH OPINION
The VOICE OF LABOUR
EDITED BY CATHAL O'SHANNON.
NEW SERIES. VOL. 1, No. 29.
JUNE 15, 1918.
ONE PENNY
I. T. W. U.
& Pierces.
The New Khaki
Plantation.
Wages
Witheld.
The Re-incarnation of Pecksniff.
THE BILLING CASE AND THE MORAL EMPIRE.
(As Passed by Censor.)
The English having failed, so far, to secure victory on the field of honour are determined to prove their Righteousness. Being incapable apparently of producing positive proofs, they have set out to show, that at least they are not so vile as—an American woman and a dead Irishman.
They have prated of their chivalry, for centuries. They displayed it once at Rouen when they burned at the stake the patriot martyr Jeanne d'Arc, who sought to save her native land from the pollution of Anglo-Saxonism. They have not changed.
In any other country, womanhood is a protection. Elsewhere, a lonely alien, might have enjoyed the sympathy of decent people. Not so in England. She is a woman; they rake the dictionaries of anatomy to find foulness to bespatter her.
She has hidden for years an unhappy family servet. They use their law courts to place her on the rack, and their press to blare a shame that is not her own. Foremost among her persecutors is an English senator. Next is the unhappy inheritor of the Queensberries, of men who bartered Scotland's freedom and spent their bribes in orgies of sensuality and vice, roues, gamblers and street brawlers. With Billing and Douglas in this sport of baiting and hounding a woman, an American and an Ally, is Bernard Yaughan, the muck-raking sensationalist, who, whatever else he may be, is an Englishman.
Their poet said—and very truly of his tribe—
The evil that men do lives after them,
The good is oft interred with their bones.
Unctuously they have parrotted "Of the dead speak nothing but good," but one unhappy soul their hatred and venom has pursued beyond death.
They have never forgiven the most graceful of English writers of his genius. From the first declaration of his power they pursued him with hatred, and in his triumph, they entrapped his soul in the foulness that in the modern world has two congenial broken—London and Berlin. From their prison they sent him, centred in body, his powers shattered, into a fearful exile.
His books—the cleanest of his generation—were exploited by their proformative publishers as if they had been by digestion of pornography. They stole his name from his plays, and even in Dublin blazoned "George Alexander's Great Comedy, 'The Importance of Being Ernest.'" It is not ours to sorrow the hidden things in the life of Speranza's son. In the Ark of Salvation. Towards him we have but one duty, to pray that after life's fitful fever he may rest in peace.
The Throne of Judge English, who champions of morality who usurp the But who are of these English champions and revile a woman, and desecrate the memory of the dead?
Ask Lord French's sister the meaning of Regulation 40D.
Read "Hansard"—the record of the proceedings of the Mother of Parliaments—for 5th May, 1918, and note Mr. Hewins' admission, that in Singapore, under the direct control of the Crown Colonial Government and the Colonial Office, women are recruited for brothels by an English official, euphemistically termed "the Protector of Chinese," who, as Mr. Hewins unctuously assures us, is careful to see that no Chinawoman under twenty enters the regulated dens of vice in the segregated districts.
Well and wisely did Wilde say "We are in the native land of the Hypocrite—England."