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CHASED OVER THE
MOUNTAINS
200 MEN REFULSED
IN TIPPERARY
CORK GUNMEN
From Our Own Correspondent
DUBLIN, Thursday. — Another mountain skirmish is reported from Tipperary to-day.
A police patrol, says Dublin Castle, was fired upon at Borrisolea, near Templemont. Two of the attackers were seen to fall in the resulting exchange of shots.
When the patrol reached the village and started to search for suspects they were again fired upon.
Military reinforcements, which came up, pursued the Republicans, over 200 in number, over the mountains.
The Sinn Feiners, adds the official report, seem to have been waiting their opportunity for some days, and had dug a trench across the road to hold up traffic.
Another Lorry Tragedy
The dead body of a young man was taken by soldiers to the Ennis inrmary last night.
It was the ever-recurring tragedy of the man "shot dead while attempting to escape from custody." The man was being conveyed to the military headquarters in Ennis in a lorry when it happened.
Royal Liver Office Held Up
Two masked men, says a message from Cork, entered the office of the Royal Liver Friendly Society there, held up the clerks with revolvers, and got away with loot of over £50 in cash.

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THE INFLUENZA EPIDEMIC.
EXTENSIVE RAVAGES AND A WARNING
The necessity of adopting precautionary measures to prevent the spread of infectious diseases at the present time was emphasised yesterday by Dr. Kathleen Lynn in an interview with an "Irish Independent" representative. The influenza epidemic, she said, was quite unprecedented, there never being such a high mortality rate in the period covered by the outbreak before.
The influenza outbreak would probably be followed by other outbreaks.
People ought to be warned to avoid overcrowding, and also to use nourishing food, not necessarily the most expensive. For poor people oatmeal poridge was the cheapest and most nourishing, and, for those who could afford it, m.lk and eggs.
WAR AND PESTILENCE.
Every war had been followed by pestilence, and the present one was evidently going to be no exception.
What has commonly been called influenza was described in the "British Medical Journal" last week as a pneumonic plague. She understood that there was a very high death rate in London.
Asked as to what precautions she would recommend, she said that of course with the Government we have very little could be done. In her opinion, men returning from the front should be quarantined until they were certified all right before being allowed to mix with the population, or, at the very least, their clothes should be sterilized, because very often infection was carried in clothes.
Influenza cases were still being admitted to the Union Hospital, showing that amongst the poor anyway the disease was still prevalent.
RAVAGES OF DISEASE IN IRELAND.
In Dublin the deaths from influenza for the last and two previous weeks were, respectively, 141, 204, and 250. In the provinces many sad fatalities are occurring. At Newtown Bohertrime, Tipperary, Mrs. Mary Franklin, and her son William, aged 18, died within a few hours of each other. Among the latest victims in Abbeyfeale district were Mr. Dan Shine, a Killarney man and railway clerk; Mr. T. P. Cutter, champion high jumper; Mr. D. Murphy, Cragg; Miss May Meade, and many others. In Nenagh half a dozen deaths have occurred since Sun. One person died in the ambulance while being removed to the infirmary. Mr. M. Reddan has lost two daughters in a week, and Mr. W. Hogan one daughter.
Rev. W. Brady, of Tullamore, a subdeacon at Maynooth, was progressing towards recovery, when he got a clapse, and died of double pneumonia. The interment took place at Clonmuck Cemetery after Office and High Mass. The funeral of Father John Gingles, son of Mr. Thos. Gingles, Keils, was largely attended. He was ordained six months ago at St. Peter's College, Wexford, by Most Rev. Dr. Codd.
In Moate 300 cases have occurred within a fortnight. Two deaths have occurred. In the village of Boher whole families are down. Things were stated to have been bad in Wicklow. There were cases where fathers and mothers had died and left children orphaned. There had been 1,000 cases in Arklow, and the Rathdrum Union Hospital was full.
MANY NORTHERN DOCTORS STRICKEN.
Over a dozen deaths have occurred in Fivemilletown district during the past 10 days. Two Methodist ministers were stricken down, and also Dr. Buchanan and Dr. Ross. At Augher, one girl of a family of 5 laid up has died.
Dr. E. W. M'Quaid, J.P., Cootehill, and Dr. Moore, Drum, who were both overworked, are confined to bed. The Governors of Co. Antrim Infirmary tendered sympathy to the house surgeon, Dr. George St. George, who broke down through overstrain. Dr. Robinson, M.O., Co. Armach Sanatorium, is at present laid up, and his brother, Mr. S. Robinson, cattle-dealer, Markethill, has succumbed. Dr. Cowell, Skrein, Co. Sligo, has himself contracted the malady.
Glasgow deaths, 22 less in a week.
Decreased deaths in London Co., 768; in Greater London, 1,398 fewer deaths.
Regarding the delay or non-delivery of letters through the illness of postmen in Ireland, Mr. Illingworth, replying to Mr. Farrell, said steps had been taken to obtain substitutes, but in a few instances temporary suspensions of delivery had been unavoidable.

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SEAN TREACY'S MEMORY
Dramatic Episode In His Career Narranted
(From Our Own Correspondent.)
Tipperary, Sunday.
The third anniversary of the death of Sean Treacy, who was killed into he memorable encounter with British Crown forces in Talbot street. Dublin, was celebrated by a public procession from Tipperary to Kilfeacle Cemetery, about five miles from the town where his remains are interred. The attendance numbered several thousands, and the procession, in which there were hundreds of cars, was three miles long.
The C. J. Kickham Band played funeral marches on the way. A great number of wreaths were laid on the grave by the Cumann na mBan and Sinn Fein clubs. Amongst those at the graveside were: Sean Treacy's mother, Mr. Dan Breen, Mr. P. J. Moloney, and Miss Plunkett.
An oration was delivered by Mr. Phillip Ryan, a member of the Dublin Co. Council, who is a native of Hollyford, Co. Tipperary, and was an intimate friend of Sean Treacy's.
Mr. Ryan said there was one old comrade whom they were all glad to have amongst them at that celebration, and that was Dan Breen.
DURING THE TERROR.
"I knew Sean Treacy," said Mr. Ryan, "during the days of the terror. I recall an incident which occurred on the Tuesday before his death. I was myself at the time 'on my keeping' at the house of a friend about four miles from Dublin. In the early hours of that morning there was a knock at the door, and in reply to the query, 'who's there,' a voice said, 'can you give me a pair of boots and a coat and a hat.'"
"My friend, the owner of the house, said, 'I'll see what I can do' and, coming to my room, he said, 'there's a man outside and I think he is one of our own. Will I let him in?'"
"Do Tom, said I. I think I know the voice."
"The door was opened and Sean Treacy entered. Such clothes as he had on him were in tatters. He had neither coat nor hat, nor boots, nor stockings. His feet were cut and bleeding and he appeared utterly exhausted. His joy and astonishment at seeing me were unbounded, for it appeared that he came upon this particular house by accident, and he had no knowledge of the countryside."
"Two hours previously the British military had surrounded the house at Drumcondra, where he and Dan Breen were staying, and the story of their sensational escape is known to everybody. He had travelled a great part of the night over the countryside, across hedges and barbed wire fences, and this accounted for the pitiable condition in which he was."
"We dressed his wounds as well as we could and gave him a bed. Before he retired he knelt down and deviutly said his prayers and placed his Rosary beads under his pillow."
"I MUST GET AWAY."
"He rose after a few hours' sleep and said to me, 'I must get away quickly as I don't want to get the poor man who gave me shelter into trouble. They have now started setting the bloodhounds after us, and it is possible I may be traced here.' He accompanied me to my own house and remained there until he got news of Dan Breen's whereabouts."
"On learning that Dan was safe though wounded he insisted on returning to the city to see him."
In conclusion Mr. Ryan said over Sean Treacy's grave he would appeal to Irishmen to close up their ranks and devote their united energies to bringing about the realisation of the ideals which Sean Treacy lived and died for.
The Last Post was sounded over the grave by the members of the Kickham Band, and the Rosary was recited in Irish.
Tipperary Board of Guardians adjourned their meeting yesterday as a mark of respect. Mr. P. McCormack remarking that no matter how Irishmen might differ they were united in paying tribute to Sean Treacy's memory.

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FUNERAL OF MRS. O'KELLY.
The funeral of the late Mrs Katherine O'Kelly, mother of Messrs Sean T. O'Kelly, T. D.; Madge, William, Christopher, Michael and Mathew O'Kelly, took place yesterday to Glasnovin Cemetery after 10 o'clock Mass in the Pro-Cathedral, Marlborough street.
Father John Flanagan, Adm., read the Requiem Mass and officiated at the graveside.
The following clergymen attended: Rev J. Flanagan, Adm., Marlborough street; Rev P. Flanagan, C.C.; Rev. Dr. P. Browne, Maynooth; Rev. Dr. D. Browne, O.P.; Rev J. J. Murphy, Rev Fr. Fitzgibbon, C.C.; Rev M. Ronan, C.C.; Rev. M. Ryan, C.C., Wexford.
The chief mourners were: Sean, William, Christopher and Michael (sons); Madge (daughter), Laurence O'Dea (brother); Wm, Arthur and Laurence O'Dea (nephews). Others included: Ald L O'Neill, Lord Mayor; Ald. T. Kelly, J. J. Murphy, Town Clerk; Senator Mrs Wyse Power, Dr. N. Power, Miss Mary MacSwiney, T.D.; John Clarken, D. McCullagh, Henry Dixon, Joseph Murray, Martin Conlan, Joseph Brennan, T.C.; Sean O'Callaghan, T.C.; Mathew Stafford, F. Murray, Michael Stafford, Co.C.; John Fagan, F. Brereton, W. Cahill, M. Fitzsimons; M. Byrne, J. Murray, E. Keegan, Andrew S. Clarkin, Sean O hUadhaigh, Fiachra Eilgeach, Proinnsias O Fathaigh, T.D.; A. R. Bruga, the Misses Lovey, Henry Hoban, Dr. Seamus O'Kelly and Mrs. O'Kelly, J. Smart, P. Sherry, Chris. Healy, Fhil Ryan, Finglas; John Lawlor, Vincent Lawlor, Seamus Ua Maoilfhinn, T.C., Lorcan Ceitinn, Patk. O'Shea, Risteard O Foghludha, V.P. Gaelic League; Brigid ni Cogartaig, P. J. Blanchfield, J. Kenny, Garrett Fulham, P. Curran, Conn Curran, Patk. McGuinness, Joseph Clarke, T.C., Thomas O'Neill and Joseph Sherwin (Town Clerk's Office), Jos. Millington, Michael O'Flanagan, T.C., Jos. Reynolds, Seamus Brennan, Mrs. T. Murray, Miss Morgan, James Brennan, Andrew Woods, P. J. Brennan, Thomas Hoban, P.L.G.; Jack Jones, Miss Cusack, Mrs. Fagan, — McDermott, John Kirwan, Kevin McCabe, Jack McCabe, M. J. Cooke, Walter Carpenter, J. Eakin, Wm. Sherry, Michael Connolly, James Barrett, Ted Moloney, Jas. Hannon, Miss Nicholson, Thos. Sweetman, Miss B. Curtis, Miss K. Carey, Miss Eileen Bray, Thos. Bray, J. J. Hutchinson.
Wreaths were sent by the following:—
Sean T. O'Ceallaig and wife, Christopher O Ceallaig and wife, William, Madge, Michl. and Mathew O'Kelly, Josephine, Kathleen and Eileen O'Kelly (grandchildren), Miss V. Butler-Burke, Mrs. Jones and family, Sheamus O'Ryan, and the O'Rahilly Club.
F.S.
28/9/23

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MR. DE VALERA IN ENNIS
VIVID DESCRIPTION OF THE SCENE
In a graphic description of the scene at the meeting addressed by Mr De Valera on Sunday a special correspondent of the London "Daily Mail" writes:—
"People stood on the roofs of the houses, waved Republican flags, and shouted 'Up De Valera!' Babies who could just toddle were held high in the crowd and cried 'Up Valera!' too, in their squeaky treble. It was a day of triumph for the tall, slim young man in the romantic green uniform. His eyes flashed as the Tulla contingent marched by—the pick of the Clare fighting men. Their banner proclaimed them 'Tulla's Handful of Little Children.' They marched like Guardsmen to the music of their drums and fifes.
"In their wake came Tom Keane the Ennis 'Boy Martyr' of 16, who has won everlasting fame by reason of his imprisonment in Galway Jail for the crime of drilling Sinn Feiners. The tale in Ennis is that it took '17 R.I.C. men to carry him to fail, and half a regiment of the Munsters to keep him there.' He was in commance on Sun of 40 children, who marched to the scene of demonstration with rare military precision behind a banner bearing the words, 'Remember Dublin.'
IN HIS COMMITTEE'S HANDS.
"De Valera's arrival on the platform with his sombre bodyguard of priests was the signal for shattering cheers. In the square and its converging streets he faced 10,000 men; the remainder stood 'on guard' beyond the range of his commanding eye. Forty R.I.C. men stood squeezed up against the wall opposite with no intention to assert themselves—and no need for it.
"With, perhaps, a pardonable touch of vanity, De Valera showed me how obedient the lambs of his flock were. As the cheers roared around him De Valera held up his hand. There was instantly a dead silence. The setting of the stage did not quite please him. He wanted to squeeze another 200 into the congested square. 'See me do it,' said he; and then to the multitude he shouted: 'Left turn—four paces forward—march!' The order was obeyed instantly, and the square now being superpacked, the order 'Front turn' was given, and a torrent of speech-making was launched. Most of it was hot—red-hot—and it scorched. De Valera himself said very little. 'I am not here to speak,' he cried. 'The time for speechmaking is over. The time to act has come!'
The generalissimo is continuing his campaign throughout Clare all this week. "What is your programme," I asked him. "I have no set programme," he replied. "I am entirely in the hands of my committee."

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Irish Independent
DUBLIN, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 26, 1917.
Light-Up. 6.7; High Water, 7.38. 8.8.
THE SINN FEIN CONVENTION.
On the occasion of the Sinn Fein Conference which assembled in the Mansion House last April, we said that such a gathering in Dublin or in any other part of Ireland would not have been possible a few years ago. Yesterday's Convention was still more remarkable, not only for its numbers, but also for the composition of the assembly. The gathering last April was, in the main, brought together by special invitations issued to representative bodies throughout the country and to various organisations. The official list of those present included delegates from no more than 41 Sinn Fein Clubs. Not three months later, Lord Midleton expressed alarm at the report that there were some 500 Sinn Fein Clubs in existence. Yesterday more than 1,000 clubs were represented by delegates. These figures testify to the remarkable growth of the Sinn Fein movement since last spring. The assembly yesterday had a clearly distinctive character as compared with the machined and rigged United Irish League Conventions. It was much more deliberative and business-like; the platform did not monopolise the time; delegates were free to speak; if there was any cliqueism it was pretty well concealed; a statement of accounts was presented—and there were no batons. There seemed, in fact, to be a sense of power in the ordering of the proceedings which quite accorded with the strength of the movement. It may be said that Sinn Fein now represents by far the largest body of Irish Nationalists. The United Irish League and the Ancient Order of Hibernians have shrunk rapidly in credit and numbers since they were given over to corruption and job-seeking, like the political machine of which they formed part. It would be idle to deny the force of numbers which is behind Sinn Fein, but it would be just as foolish to ignore the fact that the movement embraces many thousands of sympathisers who cannot subscribe to the whole policy propounded by its leaders. Former supporters of the Irish Party have flocked in their tens of thousands to Sinn Fein, not because of wh
This revulsion of feeling amongst those who were most loyal to the Irish Party is a change of prime significance. The policy of that Party for years past has been a case of all cry and do wool. Hav-
ing commenced to do their own thinking, the people feel that the leaders who bragged that they held the Government in the hollow of their bands, and governed the country from the United Irish League office in Dublin, and who had 180,000 Volunteers behind them at the beginning of the war, could and should have got almost any terms for Ireland in satisfaction of her Voluntary demands. Instead of that, they Voluntarily put their trust in a Cabinet which was consistent only in its shiftiness, and they asked the people to do the same. As we prophesed, the Party were, in the event fooled, betrayed, and, to use the word of one of the leaders, "sold" again and again. The people who have now brown over the Party have done so because they are convinced that they are unworthy of public confidence and are long past the stage when reformation is possible. Tired of the shilly-shallying of the Nationalist leaders, of their neglect and betrayal of Ireland's interests, the people want to get rid of them as the first step in the direction of real national progress. Hence they are rushing to the only party which is exhibiting genuine grit and honesty. If in the years during which they were trooping through the lobbies to keep the Liberals in power, deliberately countenancing the robbery of Ireland and
the infliction of many injustices in the way of added taxation and reduced services—salving their consciences, in many instances, by getting jobs for friends from Mr. Birrell and other Liberal Ministers—the Irish Party had shown honesty, Ireland would not be in the deplorable muddle in which she finds herself to-day. The people's confidence was played upon; they were adjured to "trust Asquith"; plundering Budgets and injustice in many shapes not merely connived at but brazenly defended. Were it not for this little would have been heard of the Sinn Fein movement as a living force in Ireland. To go further, it is probable that there would never have been a rebellion, as, if the Irish Party had not advised the Government and the people to allow the Ulster Governants to threaten and arm, physical force as a political instrument would have had no countenance in Ireland. Another cause of the growth of Sinn Fein is the anger of the people at the off-repeated acts of betrayal by the Government, which in all its dealings with this country in recent years has shown that it recognizes one law for Unionist Ulster and another for Nationalist Ireland. The politicians and the Press who now babble of Irish disloyalty, should remember that they set the headline in the year before the war. We remember, if they do not, that Sir Edward Carson—now a member of the War Cabinet, who is responsible for "publicity and propaganda"—told his followers that they ought to set themselves against the constituted authorities in the land; that they were not to be afraid of illegalities, for there were illegalities which were not crimes; that they were to go on practising drilling and shooting, and they would be in the end who was right and who was wrong. We also call to mind one or two sayings of Sir Frederick E. Smith, the present Attorney-General for England. He told the Governants that it was for them to enable Sir Edward Carson to speak to those with whom he might be called upon to deal as a man who had behind him 100,000 armed men. On anothe
We have stated what we believe to be the secret of the adhesion of many people to Sinn Fein, but we do not deny that there are large numbers who are with the movement heart and soul, and their numbers are not decreasing. It would be absurd, however, to say that all who are now sympathisers with Sinn Fein and who probably would be found voting for Sinn Fein candidates at elections, agree with all the wild extravagances of some of its spokesmen, their threats of rebellion and their calls to the young men of Ireland to arm and be ready. Possibly these lurid harangues are not taken quite seriously by many to whom they are addressed, but at the same time none can tell to what they may lead. We feel absolute confidence that if the National Convention should decide on a satisfactory form of Dominion Home Rule for Ireland, thousands of conditional supporters of Sinn Fein would reconsider their position. Unionists, therefore, who see the future prosperity of their country bound up with a contented Ireland working under a really practicable form of self-government, should realise as much as we do how much depends on the success of the Convention. If the Convention fails, then nothing is before the country but chaos. In that went it is probable that Mr. Redmond and his Party will disappear into the political oblivion which should have been their
fate long ago. But there are other vital considerations which patriotic Irishmen must weigh. Reasonable Unionists—who, afte

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GAELIC LEAGUE AND
99. POLITICS.
DENIAL BY THE PRESIDENT
Mr. Eoin MacNeill, President of the Gaelic League, who spoke last night at a public meeting in the Mansion House, under the auspices of the Dublin Coiste Ceanntair, insisted that the Gaelic League was not a political organisation.
The Lord Mayor, who presided, said if the thought for one moment that the League would delve into politics he would not be there, as his sole ambition was to be Lord Mayor of the City and its people as a whole. He believed Ireland would never be a nation until it had its own language. If he were Lord Mayor next year he might be able to address them in Irish.
Mr. Pierce Beazley proposed a resolution deploring the loss sustained by the language movement by the death of Thomas Ashe, and tendering sympathy to his relatives. Paying a tribute to the deceased, he said he had no other thought than the salvation of the country through its language.
ASHE MEMORIAL HALL.
The Coiste Gnotha desired a permanent memorial, and it was proposed to build a great hall in Dublin in which English would never be spoken.
The Lord Mayor said it had been his melancholy privilege to be the last man to bid Ashe to be of good cheer. He approved of the Memorial Hall idea as the most fitting, and he suggested Ashe's dying words, "If I die I die in a good cause," might be placed over its door. The resolution was then passed, all present standing.
Mr. R. Cotter proposed a resolution affirming the demand that Irish should be taught as an ordinary subject in all standards in every school. The way to settle the question was to make the teaching of Irish compulsory in the training colleges. Mr. T. Farren (United Trades Council) seconded, and said schools that did not teach Irish should be boycotted. The resolution was passed.
CARDINAL'S REPROACH.
Mr. MacNeill proposed a resolution regretting that proper provision was not accorded the language at public meetings, concerts, etc., and requesting Irish people to pay due respect henceforth to the claims of the language. It was the language used in meetings, amusements and in the home that would always triumph. The League had nothing to do, as such, with the form of the government of the country. It had stuck to its non-political professions, but if the day ever came when it would be necessary for it to take an active, open part in politics then due notice would be given.
With regard to reproaches made by men like Cardinal Logue and Canon O'Leary, he was certain their complaints were made in good faith; but, all the same, the reproach was not based on fact, but on impressions of some kind he did not know how conveyed.
"GOD SAVE THE KING" IN IRISH.
Some years ago it was alleged by the Dublin "Evening Telegraph" that the Gaelic League was engaged in a conspiracy to teach Irish boys and girls how to sing "God Save the King" in Irish, and the "Irish Independent" also referred to the fear expressed by the Cardinal and Canon O'Leary. When he spoke against the International Exhibition project he was told he was a Government official masquerading as a kind of amateur Robert Emmet.
He advised the people not to be too much troubled about these reproaches. They did not trouble him at all. If the Gaelic League was not doing its duty it should be amenable to honest criticism, and let it be kicked out and let some other institution be put in its place.
Ald. Byrne, M.P., seconding the resolution, which was passed, regretted that he was unable to speak in Irish, but hoped to be able to do so next year.
Resolutions were also passed calling on the Irish people to co-operate in the revival of the language through the Gaelic League branches and expressing their sense of shame in regard to the number of newspapers, periodicals, etc., throughout the country which, while co-operating in the cause of national politics or professing support for the language movement, contained not one word of Irish printed matter—the speakers, including Messrs. J. J. O'Kelly ("Sceilg"), Sean O'Kelly, Sean MacChaolte, and J. M. Guinness, M.P.

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BISHOP ON REBELLION.
THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF IRELAND.
Speaking at a Confirmation service in Naas, the Most Rev. Dr. Foley said that he observed that although no speaker of any weight had openly advocated rebellion, not a few appeared to assume, if they did not assert, the lawfulness of rebellion in the circumstances of the country. There was no doubt that rebellion in the circumstances of their country was absolutely unjustifiable from the point of view of Divine Law, and if any man of influence, lay or cleric, asserted the contrary in the diocese, it would be his duty to warn the people against him.
Recent theologians who had examined that question agreed with the teaching laid down by Pope Leo XIII., that it was never lawful for any private individual or collection of private individuals as such, and of their own private authority, to take human life except in self-defence.
EXTREME CASES.
Even in an extreme case of oppression, there must be competent public authority behind a revolution to make it lawful. That appeared to him to be the meaning of the teaching of Pope Leo XIII. and of his great master St. Thomas, whom he evidently followed.
The latter unquestionably recognised that in an extreme case of oppression it was lawful for those who had elected the supreme ruler to get rid of him—that was that the body who elected him was a public authority competent to depose him; but he dealt with no other case.
But beyond this particular case they were left to speculate as to what he and Pope Leo would have thought if they had contemplated what were known in their own day as provisional governments.

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DUTY OF AN DAIL
TO VOICE THE WISHES OF
THE PEOPLE
2. 1. 1627
MOST REV. DR. HALLINAN'S VIEWS
To the Editor "Irish Independent."
Sir—There are reasons why I would have preferred to remain silent and not interfere in the discussions which are now taking place on the political situation, but having followed closely the speeches delivered before the Dail, and seeing the trend of events, I think it my duty to disregard my natural feelings and give public expression to my views, whatever they may be worth, on the vital question now before the country. I feel it all the more incumbent on me to do so as, since I became bishop. I have openly sympathised and identified myself with the policy of Sinn Rein, and hence if I were now to remain silent, my silence would, perhaps, be open to misrepresentation.
The following are my views as clearly and simply as I can put them:
Ireland is now getting substantially what she has suffered and fought for. There are still some accidentals wanting, but these, I believe, will come in due course through the natural evolution and peaceful use of what we are getting.
If they do not come in that way I am convinced that they will not come by a renewal of the war, in which Ireland distracted and divided, would suffer a disastrous defeat, and be placed once more bleeding and broken at the feet and mercy of England.
This generation of Irishmen and Irishwomen has suffered more and won more for Ireland than any or all previous generations during the past seven centuries. Should we not now be allowed to enjoy in peace the fruits of our signal victory? I say signal victor because I doubt if the annals of history can furnish another triumph to equal that of Ireland in this historic struggle, in which, without a navy or a fully equipped, regular army, relying on the bravery of her sons, the patient sufferings, solidarity and prayerful union of her people, she has brought the most powerful empire in the world to sue for peace, and not only to offer her the hand of friendship but to invite her to enter the community of nations associated with England on terms of equality with England herself. In these circumstances, if there are other things desirable and attainable, and worthy of being fought for, then surely the present generation may hand that charge down to their successors, and let them should they see fit, do the fighting for them.
Making all due allowance for the personal discretion vested in Parliamentary representatives of the people, I consider that it is their duty, in a supreme crisis like the present, to vote in accordance with the ascertained wishes of their constituencies as revealed through the ordinary organs of public opinion, and in no case wilfully to misrepresent them by voting against their wishes.
To do so would be a violation of the inherent right of the people and an unforgettable offence.
Those who are opposed to ratification solely because of their oath of allegiance to the Sacrate will find in the able and lucid letter of "Theologus" in the "Freeman" and "Irish Independent" of the 29th inst. a safe solution of their conscientious scruples.
Is it too late or too much to expect from the members of the Dail, those brave men and women who have done and suffered so much with one heart for their country, now in this critical moment to close up their ranks, find some means of agreeing to ratify the Treaty, labour unitedly to extract from its articles the best possible terms for Ireland, and thus satisfy the ardent yearning of the whole nation for peace!
* DENIS HALLINAN (Bishop of Limerlock).
Corbally, Limerlock, Dec. 31, 1921.

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'NEW AND FATAL DOCTRINES.'
BISHOP OF KILLALOESTRONG VIEW ON RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
"I appeal to all classes in the community, and to all branches of the Army, to set their faces resolutely against this new doctrine of licence to rob and to kill before all that is dear to us as Irishmen and Catholics is hopelessly lost.
"If we have political differences, let us test them and settle them in a Constitutional way. At any rate, let us not enter on the most dangerous of all courses—that of trifling with the majesty of God."
These were the concluding words of a sermon by Most Rev. Dr. Fogarty, at the close of the mission at the Cathedral, Ennis, on Sunday night. His Lordship began by referring to a raid on the mails at Ennis Station last Friday, saying he did not know who was responsible for that infamous outrage on the rights of the people of Ennis and of Clare, but whoever was responsible it was robbery of the most sinful and criminal character.
WITHOUT PEOPLE'S SANCTION.
He believed himself it was the work of private desperadoes. At the same time, this and kindred horrors, now all too common, were the natural outcome of certain principles now current apparently with a military junta, who, without sanction or authority from the people, had disowned all government in the country except their own armed will, and who seemed to claim a right to suppress freedom of speech; to suppress and smash up such of the National Press as they disapprove of; to seize the property of the people, and suppress the elections by armed force—in other words, to perpetrate on the people all the horrors of the English militarist terror.
"Let there be no doubt about it," said the Bishop, "these maxims and methods are both anti-Irish and un-Catholic. They are anti-Irish both as opposed to the national instincts of the Irish people for democratic government, and, if persevered in, must and in the direct of all calamities—civil war. They are un-Catholic and in flagrant opposition to the law of God as set forth in the Ten Commandments, notably the fourth, fifth, and seventh, and to the teaching of St. Paul, who says: 'Let every soul'—high and low, rich and poor, soldier and civilian—'be subject to the higher powers,' and to the lawfully constituted authority of the land.
AWFUL RESPONSIBILITY.
"They who propagate such principles assume an awful responsibility in thus sowing the Catholic ground of Ireland with noxious tares, which, if once planted there, are not easily eradicated, and which, if allowed to develop, would ruin her national and moral life; and they who act on such principles reduce themselves to the common level of robbers and murderers.
"I know our young men, to whose kindly and generous hearts such methods and maxims are hateful, and I would be the last in the world to pain their feelings by one unnecessary word, but Bishops cannot allow these dangerous tenets to go unchallenged, so I, therefore, beg of them to be on their guard and not to give these now and fatal doctrines a moment's lodgment in their minds, no matter from what source they come.
"How can they challenge the common robber, as he is called, when such a one can turn on them and say: 'Have I not as much right to rob a bank as you to take the people's cars?' They have no answer to such a challenge. A bandit in uniform is no better than a bandit in rags."

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EASTER WEEK RISING
Sensational News from
America
SEVERAL ARRESTS
New York, Wednesday (Reuter).—Two men who were arrested here yesterday have given their names as Liam Mellowes, who is alleged to be one of the leaders of the Sinn Fein movement, and Baron von Recklinghausen.
The latter is described as a "patent" engineer of no little ability, and is declared to have been an intimate associate of Sinn Feiners.
Papers found in his rooms show that large sums of money were forwarded to France to be used on behalf of Germany. The Baron will be interned.
Mellowes when arrested was in possession of a seaman's passport in the name of Patrick Donnelly, which he asserted he intended to use in order to return to Ireland at the earliest opportunity.
Mellowes arrived in the United States shortly after the suppression of the Irish Revolution.
The authorities have learned of his association with Patrick M'Cartan, known as the first Ambassador here of the Irish Republic.
Mellowes and M'Cartan plotted to go to Ireland, and the latter sailed last Wednesday, but was arrested at Halifax, where he is being detained pending a prosecution for complicity in the Dublin riots and for his activities in the United States since last year.
A considerable amount of literature and papers interesting to the American Government were taken in the raid on Mellowes' and Von Recklinghausen's premises, but it will be some time before the ramifications of the plot can be thoroughly exposed.
Recklinghausen has been mentioned as an envoy whom Count Bernstorff left here. He is also associated with a group of Turks.
It is declared that Mellowes spent three months in jail on a charge of sedition, after which he raised a band of Volunteers to operate against the British forces in Ireland. He is now charged with taking refuge here after participating in the Sinn Fein revolt in Easter Week, 1916.
The Canadian authorities have reported that they have arrested two other Sinn Feiners at Halifax, N.S. They were taken off a ship at that port, and it is said they were trying to return to Ireland.
The "New YorkTimes" says the arrests of Mellowes and Von Recklinghausen have frustrated a Sinn Fein rebellion which was planned for next Easter, on the arriversary of the Dublin Rebellion.

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OBITUARY.
REV. PETER (CANON) O'LEARY.
17 23. V. 1530All those who are interested in the revival of the Irish language will hear with regret of the death of the Rev. Canon O'Leary, Parish Priest of Castlelyons, a rural district not far from the City of Cork. He had attained a ripe old age, and his death was not unexpected, because it was known for some days past that he had been seriously ill. He was a native of West Cork, where he was born about eighty years ago. The son of a farmer, and brought up in surroundings where the Irish language was at the time the ordinary medium of exchange among the peasantry, he early acquired a perfect knowledge of the language. He was educated first at St. Colman's College, Fermoy, and afterwards at Maynooth. All his missionary life was spent in the Diocese of Cloyne. He was Pastor of Castlelyons for upwards of thirty years. When the movement for the revival of the Irish language assumed an active character he threw himself into it with zest. He wrote and produced many books which have become standard works in the Irish language, and which students keenly appreciate. He translated the New Testament and the Imitation of Christ into Irish, and he has written romances dealing with Irish life which have a large circulation. In recognition of his services to Gaelic literature, the National University of Ireland conferred upon him the honorary degree of LL.D., and eight years ago the Dublin Corporation made him an honorary Freeman of the city. He celebrated the golden jubilee of his priesthood in 1917, and on that occasion received many tributes of respect and affection from far and near. He was a man of simple tastes and genial disposition, which endeared him to a wide circle of friends.
The death occurred during sleep on Saturday night of Commander Benjamin Harrison Key, R.N. He accompanied King Edward when Prince of Wales in trips to Canada, the United States and Mediterranean.

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SIR ARTHUR VICARS' FATE
"Missing" Land Steward's Story
of Kerry Tragedy
A remarkable story concerning the death of the late Sir Arthur Vicars was given to our correspondent by his land steward, Mr. George Cunningham, who at next was reported missing.
Mr. Cunningham explained that as a result of his experience he lay up in his residence in order to recover from the shock he got by the death of his employer.
Detailing what occurred on the fatal morning, Mr. Cunningham said he was consulting Sir Arthur in his bedroom about 11.15 when Lady Vicars entered in an excited state, and informed them that the house was surrounded by men armed with revolvers and guns. He (Mr. Cunningham) looked out the front window of the main building, and saw the parties outside.
Armed Party in Possession.
He requested Sir Arthur to dress, and then rushed downstairs, to find that the steel-lined shutters had been removed from the windows, and the armed party in possession of the house. At the front door he was confronted by men whom he believed to be the leaders, who, without any questioning on his (the steward's) part, said they came to burn the house, and that they had only three minutes to do it. He returned to Sir Arthur's bedroom, where he found him in the act of dressing, and asked him (Sir Arthur) for the keys of his most valuable cases—such as despatch boxes. On his (the steward's) third journey upstairs, he was held up on the landing, and ordered back. He obeyed, and went out by the back door, and was barely outside when he heard the order, "Hold that man up." He was made a prisoner of by some seven or eight men armed with revolvers and shot guns, and, in a short time, he heard the leader ask, "Who is that gone down the terrace steps?" and a voice replied, "Sir Arthur." The leader and three of the guard went after Sir Arthur, and they disappeared from the steward's sight in the direction of the River Beak. Shortly afterwards he heard several shots.
Sir Arthur's Dead Body.
After a few minutes the party returned and he heard one of them say, "That's all right." As Sir Arthur passed him he heard him say three or four words to his captors, but could not understand what they were.
Mr. Cunningham continued—I was then ordered to march up to the front of the house and the smoke coming from it was so dense that I got into it without a guard. I then went towards the river, which I intended to swim across but changed my mind and returned. Coming back I saw the dead body of Sir Arthur at the "Cross Walk."
I then went to the shrubbery plantation and remained hidden there about an hour. When I ventured out I saw some of the servants moving about. I cautiously made my way to the house which was enveloped in flames and found that Lady Vicars was safe—a fact which gave me very great relief. Nothing now remains but the blackened walls of the house and the strong room, which had to be blown open by military to save the plate.
Twenty Young Men.
Mr. Cunningham stated that the attackers were composed of about 20 very smart young men, wearing caps, and none of them belonged to the district. During his time in Kilmorna he said he had enjoyed the friendship of the whole community, and could not think of associating any of them with such a dreadful occurrence.

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DORA SIGERSON.
A TRIBUTE AND SOME
MEMORIES.
The Dublin 13.1.1918
(By Katharine Tynan.)
To think of Dora Sigerson—and it is a poignant thought—takes one back to Dublin of the 'nineties, or the later 'eighties. I think it was on a summer Sunday in 1887 that Dr. Sigerson came to see me with his two daughters and Rose Kavanagh, whom I already knew. The Yeatses were there that Sunday for the big meal, at a most unfashionable hour, which was a feature of those years for the young writers and artists of Dublin. My old home was in the country, just under the Dublin mountains, and, I think, a very delightful place.
Everyone, of course, knew Dr. Sigerson by repute. The house was full of the young that day, with just a sprinkling of the young of heart like Mr. Yeats and my father and Dr. Sigerson. I remember that my brother said to me, "Miss Sigerson is very beautiful." She was. Her face then had some curious suggestion of the Greek Hermes. She wore her dark hair short, and it was in heavy masses. She had a beautiful brow and eyebrows, very fine grey eyes, a short straight nose, a warm pale colour, and vivid red lips. A little later the Irish-American, Miss Louisa Imogen Guiney, dedicated her "Roadside Harp" to the Sigerson sisters:—
There in the Druid brake,
If the cuckoo be awake
Again, oh, take my rhyme,
And keep it long for the sake
Of a bygone primrose-time.
You of the star-bright head
That twilight thoughts sequester!
You to your native fountains led,
Like to a young Muse garlanded:
Dora, and Hester.
Dora was indeed "like to a young Muse garlanded." She was singularly beautiful, with some strange hint of storm in her young beauty. She was so full of artistic impulse and achievement of many kinds, and she arrived at so much of art without any apprenticeship that the word "genius" seems not inapplicable to her. Our friendship flowed straight on from that summer Sunday of 1887. Dr. Sigerson's house in Clare-street became my headquarters when I went into Dublin from my country home. Dora was always painting or writing or doing sculpture. I can remember her coming from somewhere downstairs to the drawing-room at No. 3, Clare-street when I was announced, wearing a sort of sculptor's blouse. There is still in her old home, crowded with beautiful things, at least one head by her of a nymph or a dryad, strangely delicate and pensive.
I don't think she had read much poetry beyond my simple Irish poetry to prepare her for that art in which she excelled. If she had any training as an art student for her painting and drawing and sculpture, it must have been very slight. The gifts came to her out of the air, so to speak: real gifts and nothing acquired.

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IRISH NATIONAL
NOVENA
IN HONOUR OF OUR LADY OF LOURDES
For General and Domestic
PEACE
Begins Friday, May 3rd, 1918,
Ends Sunday, May 12th.
In Union with a Novena of Masses in the
Grotto at Lourdes.
LEAFLETS containing the Order of
Devotions for those who cannot attend the
public functions, and for Irish friends
abroad, will be forwarded to Applicants
who send an Addressed and Halfpenny
Stamped envelope, enclosing a loose, viz.,
not attached, penny stamp, for every ten
copies desired. Letter not necessary.
Stamp or Postal order shows how many
leaflets you want.
Ten copies, one penny. 150 copies, 1/3, post free.
600 copies 4/- post free.
Apply to The Rev. William Lockhart, C.C.,
St. Joseph's, Kingstown.

--- Page 16 ---
IRELAND AND THE
WAR.
URGENT APPEAL.
18. 4. 18
FROM ARCHBISHOPS OF
ARMAGH AND DUBLIN.
The following appeal from the Archbishops of Armagh and Dublin has been sent to us for publication:—
In the present critical state of the battle for the world's freedom, we feel constrained to give expression to our belief that, although thousands of young Irishmen from the Church of Ireland have, with splendid enthusiasm, offered their services, and many have fallen in defence of the Empire, there are still many whom our voice may reach, who might voluntarily fill the gaps left in our Irish regiments. We shall rejoice to hear of such voluntary service.
We have felt ever since conscription was applied to England and Scotland that Ireland had much right to complain, in that her sons were omitted from the call, which we believe would have been readily obeyed two years ago.
Whether the present is a fitting time or not, we cannot profess to judge. But, should the Government apply the Act to Ireland, as seems to be contemplated, we most earnestly hope that it will cheerfully be accepted by our fellow-countrymen as imperatively demanded in the awful crisis through which Ireland and the rest of the Empire alike are passing.
We trust that clergy and people will not fail to pray with special urgency that God will bless our arms and save our country in this grave hour of national danger. Forms of prayer have already been issued more than once, and we do not think it necessary to add to their number. But, with all the emphasis which we can command, we desire to urge the duty of public and private intercession.
JOHN B. ARMAGH.
JOHN DUBLIN.
17th April, 1918.

--- Page 17 ---
INTERNED DEPUTY'S DEATH
F. J. 11. VI. 23
Dr. Ferran Succumbs To Pneu-
monia At Curragh Camp
The death occurred yesterday at the Cur-
ragh Internment Camp of Dr. F. P. Ferran,
T.D., as a result of pneumonia.
He was a son of the late Mr. Felix Ferran,
of Magherafelt. He took out his degree in
medicine at Queen's University, Belfast,
and afterwards became Medical Officer for
the Foxford dispensary district, Co. Mayo.
In the general election of 1921, Dr.
Ferran was returned for Sligo and East
Mayo. When the Treaty was signed he fol-
lowed Mr. de Valera.
The remains will be interred to-morrow in
the Republican Plot, Glasnevin, after 10
o'clock Mass at the Carmelite Church,
Whitefriar street.

--- Page 18 ---
IT CANNOT LAST
Professor MacNeill Deals
With Partition
F 3
18
21
53Professor MacNeill said the victory they had achieved had been gained by the courage, statesmanship, and patriotism of Griffith and Collins, and what the people had now they were going to hold, no matter what was offered to them in the way of phraseology or fine phrases, and they were not going to make a gamble for the sake of the difference between one oath and another.
Referring to one aspect of the Land Bill, he said they would still have with them many of the landlords' descendants, but they were rapidly becoming harmonious elements of the Irish nation, and there were a great many matters in which they could be of assistance as loyal people in the nation.
The separation of Ireland could not last, as partition was on a bad foundation and, speaking as a North of Ireland man, he said that in due time it would pass away. The means of making it pass away were to quickly establish a strong, sound, fair, just, and successful Government in the rest of Ireland.
Mr. Sears, T.D., said some people little realised how narrowly they had escaped being plunged in a welter of anarchy and Bolshevism. It was suggested now that they should turn out the captain and crew that had averted the disaster, but they in Limerick would not have that (hear, hear). By the signing of the Treaty they had driven foreign rule out of the country, never to re-
turn

--- Page 19 ---
VARIETY VETERANS CHEER THE WOUNDED
The Veterans of Variety, who are proving so entertaining at the Theatre Royal this week, on Wednesday gave a very delightful concert to the wounded soldiers at Marlborough Hall. They travelled to the hall in old style in the coach-and-four seen above. (Photo, Hogan.)

--- Page 20 ---
By the tragic overturning of a military car at Clontarf on Wednesday, nine National troops were seriously injured, one (Private Peter O'Toole) having since died. The photograph shows the car at the scene of the accident, and it will be observed that it was very extensively damaged.

--- Page 21 ---
NATIONAL ENERGY
Mr. Belloc On The Future
Of The Country
" DOMESTIC LIBERTY "
" A man who is not Irish," said Mr. Hilaire Belloc yesterday afternoon to a FREEMAN'S JOURNAL representative, " has no right to talk about the domestic affairs of the country. He doesn't know enough; and even if he did, it would be an impertinence."
Thus this genial Catholic publicist and writer, whose views on Ireland must all be of interest, placed himself outside the scope of interrogation; but in a friendly spirit he preached the brief but broad gospel which he believes may be laid down for the future of the country.
Material prosperity according to Mr. Belloc, is the first essential for Ireland's development. He would wish to see revived the Irish shipping industry, which, before the Union, was so important.
" Then," said he, " Ireland must keep her liberties, not merely the political liberty which she has just obtained, but her ordinary domestic and civic liberties; and, thirdly, she must diminish the proletariat propulsion of her people, and not allow a new proletariat to grow up; she must get property not only in land, but in stock, widely distributed.
" We in England are losing our liberties in education and in domestic habits. Make individual life free: it is the condition of national energy. Stick to your existing domestic liberties. The less regulations and forms in modern Europe the better; and Ireland, with a clean sheet, is in a better position than any other of the smaller European countries to keep and extend that kind of freedom.
" Ireland would do well, I think, to check the extension of her proletariat. It is the bane of other countries. She already has one, but she must not let it grow She must reduce it.
" The distribution of property, not only in land but in industry, will interest men in work, and nothing else will.
" The literary quality Ireland has always, permanently; and, if you have order and material prosperity, it will develop. But, before all, react against the industrial tendency to extend and depress the class without property, and check bureaucracy.
" Keep the ordinary human liberties in hours and habits of drinking, eating, and all other private things. Beware of forms to be filled up, of card indices, and the making a machine of life."
[A luncheon to Mr. Belloc in Dublin
yesterday is reported on Page 7.]

--- Page 22 ---
ARCHBISHOP'S FAREWELL
24. 7. 23
Dr. O'Donnell Meets The Priests Of Raphoe
PEOPLE'S AFFECTION
Diocese Studded With Noble Monuments
The unbounded esteem and affection in which the Most Rev. Dr. O'Donnell, Archbishop of Attalia and Coadjutor Bishop of Armagh, is held by the clergy throughout his old diocese was demonstrated at the ceremony in the Chapter Room of the Cathedral when he was made the recipient of an illuminated address and a handzome presentation.
It was an occasion tinged with sadness at the departure from the diocese of a Bishop whose apostolic zeal, administrative wisdom, outstanding patriotic endeavour, charity, and kindliness of heart, exhibited consistently during thirty-five years, had endeared him to priests and people. There was, on the other hand, a feeling of rejoicing that in his elevation to the rank of Archbishop he had been called to higher honours and greater activities. Eloquent appreciation was expressed of his personal qualities and his works in the diocese, which will serve as an inspiration to those who follow him.
NOBLE MONUMENTS
Right Rev. Monsignor Walker, P.P., V.F., who presided, said when over a year ago it was learned that his Grace was about to sever his connection with the Diocese of Raphoe, sorrow filled the hearts of all the priests at the thought of separation from one with whom they had been so long associated. Since his Grace was consecrated, over thirty-five years ago, churches had sprung up in almost every parish. Commodious parochial houses had been erected.
Suitable schools had been provided in all districts, and nothing that zeal in the cause of religion could suggest had been left undone to promote the kingdom of God and the welfare of the people. The crowning monument to his episcopate was the erection of the magnificent Cathedral of St. Eunan and St. Columba. Of few other Bishops could it be said that they had witnessed the laying of the foundation stone and completion of so noble a work. His Grace also provided a college thoroughly equipped for the higher education of the young boys of the diocese. Ample provision for the higher education of girls was now available by the completion of the new wing at the Loreto Convent.
Rev. John McCafferty, P.P., speaking in Irish, expressed the hope that his Grace's translation to Armagh would not sever the ties that bound him so closely to Raphoe. They would look forward to his Grace's frequent appearance amongst them, and as often as he returned he could reckon on a warm welcome, and feel that he was coming home.
HIS GRACE'S REPLY
Rev. J. Cunningham, E.I., then read the address in Irish. Most Rev. Dr. O'Donnell replied in Irish, and then speaking in English said:—This meeting between us, which your kindness and generosity have brought about, I did not anticipate. Already I had experience time after time of your unfailing friendship for me, and it was my purpose now to go out gradually from your midst so that, the break might not be noticed. But you would have it otherwise; and I need not say how deeply grateful I am for this fresh token of your warm goodwill. The illumination and
MOST REV. DR. O'DONNELL.
frame of your address are in keeping with the beauty of its Irish composition. I only wish I were in some way worthy of the words you use in my regard. Under God's blessing we built churches and schools together, crowned by a Cathedral and a College, but I have to declare that you and your generous people did the work while I got the credit.
We worked for the Irish language, and, as you say, we strove hard through long years for Irish freedom, and I have only to state that I am satisfied with our efforts. I think you are right in considering that the members of the Congested Districts Board, who gave much of their time to the work, did a great deal to raise up the poorer class of the population in the western side of Ireland. In that work the clergy gave most valuable co-operation. As regards the ecclesiastical undertakings in which you and I have been associated, I am glad that they will remain a lasting strength to the diocese of Raphoe.
Had I anticipated anything of the kind I would have thrown reserve to the winds, as I did on a former occasion, and done my best to stop the project. What can I do now but say, as I say from my heart, that I accept your princely offering with deepest gratitude.
Once before you were beforehand with me in like manner, and I turned your splendid presentation into the Building Fund of St. Eunan's College; now it is a great happiness for me to use the treasure you offer me to found a free place for this diocese where it is greatly needed. May God for ever bless the clergy of Raphoe and continue in them the spirit of Saints Eunan and Columba.
DR. MACNEELY'S TRIBUTE
Most Rev. Dr. MacNeely thanked the Archbishop for the kindly references to himself. He would have much preferred that his Grace had retained for his personal use the gift which, with his customary generosity, he proposed to utilise for the purpose of advancing education. On his own behalf, and on behalf of the priests of the diocese, Dr. MacNeely thanked his Grace for his beneficence to the diocese. He reiterated the wish and the hope expressed by Father McCafferty that his Grace would often revisit the scenes of his long and fruitful labours.
The Address, in a massive gift frame, is richly embellished. There are introduced beautiful water colour medallions, all souvenirs of a link with the diocese of over 30 years, a fine portrait of his Grace, St. Eunan's Cathedral, the Diocesan College, the Arms of the Raphoe Diocese, the Aims of Clan Ua Domhnail, and the Papal Arms, surmounted by the Titra and Keys.

--- Page 23 ---
VANDALISM
Boyne Obelisk Blown
To Fragments
FS iv. 29
BIG EXPLOSION
Where King William
Crossed The River
A VANISHED LAND-
MARK
The Boyne Obelisk, erected nearly 200 years ago to commemorate the victory of King William III., was blown to fragments early yesterday morning with three powerful land mines.
The monument, built of limestone and granite, rested on a mass of solid rock, and consisted of a shaft 150 feet high on a base 20 feet square. Marking the site of the battlefield of 1690, it was held in great veneration by the Orange element.
People living in the vicinity state that strangers were observed close to the famous column about midnight, and as the explosions did not occur until 3 o'clock in the morning it is thought that extensive preparations were made, the rock foundations of the monument being probably bored and land mines placed in deep holes.
Time fuses were also, in all probability, used by the raiders.
COMPLETELY SHATTERED.
Close on 3 o'clock three deafening explosions shook Oldbridge and the surrounding districts on both sides of the river, causing considerable alarm amongst the inhabitants.
In the morning it was found that the fine old landmark was no more. The destruction was terrible and complete. Nothing remained of "King Billy's" monument, as it was popularly known, save its rock foundations. The huge column was lifted from its base and thrown on to the road leading to the bridge across the Boyne, blocking the highway with a pile of masonry six feet high.
Happily where the column fell is about 20 yards from the bridge or it would have been destroyed, too. As it is the road is split in two where the weight of the monument fell. Huge pieces of stone are scattered everywhere to a distance of 200 yards, and half a ton weight was thrown into the river.
The slab bearing the inscription in white granite was smashed into pieces, and, in a word, the destruction is complete.
It is not yet known who was responsible for the destruction, but several strangers were seen in Drogheda on the previous night, and about midnight a noisy party were heard passing through the town.
The Obelisk was erected in memory of King William's victory at the Battle of the Boyne, and the first stone was laid in 1736 by Lionel Sackville, Duke of Dorset, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

--- Page 24 ---
TAKING OVER THE CURRAGH
22. V. 29
By LIEUT.-GEN. J. J. O'CONNELL
On May 16th a year ago the Curragh changed hands. It was not very spectacular, because the weather was usually villainous, and nobody except the people immediately concerned had any knowledge of the event. Perhaps for that very reason we were able to pull it off with clock-work smoothness. By the phrase, "clock-work smoothness," is meant simply that that day every man fed in his new home, and that night every man not on guard slept in blankets.
The British Command, in the person of Lieut.-Col. Sir F. E. Dalrymple, furnished us with the necessary particulars in the shape of a copy of their orders, to which we arranged to conform. It simply meant that they used either Newbridge or the Curragh siding to entrain, while we used Kildare Station for all our contingents—whether from Maryborough or Marlborough Hall. Every unit knew where to march on reaching the camp, because we had worked it out on the map and detailed units accordingly.
Changing the Guards.
The only detail to be filled in on the ground was the relieving of guards, which took place simultaneously along the north and south sides of the camp. As we came in sight of each successive post, the British guards slung their packs and moved off, so that the post was only vacant for a matter of a few seconds.
Matters were simplified in that we had for some time before occupied Ballyfair House, two miles south of the camp, and had moved 100 men from there to Harepark the previous evening. The remainder of our garrison came from three places—(a) Marlborough Hall, which we emptied for the purpose; (b) Maryborough, whence we took about eighty signallers, and (c) Kilkenny, whence came an O.T.C. of some eighty cadets. In truth we had only the nervous system of such a body as the Curragh called for, but if a nervous system is sound it works.
Put to the Test.
The Curragh was only six weeks functioning when it was put to the test. How valuable was this small nucleus when fighting broke out is not at all realised. At the very outset several hundred men came to Dublin, another detachment went to Maryborough, and constant raids were pushed out all round. Later on, a big force moved to Blessington and captured nearly 100 prisoners, reinforcements were sent to Kilkenny, Thurles and Roscrea, and a front of sorts was formed towards the south-west. And that front held.
Perhaps it was the comparative smallness of the garrison's numbers that proved its greatest asset. It was manageable and wide awake. Indeed, one senior officer there, during the first six weeks, was never even as far away as Newbridge.
Names to be Remembered.
Where everybody tried to do his best, it would be invidious to mention any names. But some are no longer living, and these we may fittingly mention. The est known to the general public would be Brigadier Denis Galvin, who had under him some 300 men of the First Southern Division. Another was Commandant Jean Collison, an outstanding example of an old Volunteer officer, making himself a professional officer of the best type. A third was Commandant Andrew Furlong, who commanded the first engineer unit stationed at the Curragh. With such officers as these it was easy to get the small garrison—about 2,000 in all—into shape. Perhaps at a later date it will be possible to affix their names in some manner to the scenes of their work.

--- Page 25 ---
A REAL PEACE
Bishop Of Cork And Way
To Attain It
DE FACTO POSITION
25/6/29
Constitution Must Be
Accepted
Most Rev. Dr. Cohalan, Bishop of Cork, addressing a congregation after administering the Sacrament of Confirmation at St. Finbar's West yesterday, said, in the course of his sermon:—"I will speak to you on national peace, on the duty of all to pray for and to co-operate in restoring peace to the country,
"Everyone is talking of peace and longing for peace. We have attained a state more or less of practical peace, but there is not yet agreement about the principle of peace. Let us then consider our fundamental position in relation to the sovereign civil authority.
"Our position at Easter, 1916, was that we were part of the United Kingdom. Ireland was not subject to England or to Scotland or to Wales, but all were united—united under one sovereign ruler. It does not matter how Ireland came to be united with England—whether by Papal grant, as is alleged, or by conquest. In either case Ireland would have become subject judicially to the Sovereign of England only when the people of Ireland accepted that sovereignty.
RULE OF FORCE.
"Kingdoms have been destroyed by force. Provinces, and even nations, have been subjected by force to a new sovereign. Force can give what is called de facto or actual supremacy, but in those cases judicial sovereign authority was created only when the people accepted the new sovereignty.
"Well, as I explained on another occasion, the people of Ireland recognised the common sovereignty of the United Kingdom down to 1916 in the same way as the people of other nations recognised their sovereignty. They sent representatives to Parliament; their county and city boards acted in subordination to Government departments. They went into public services. Few there were who would not have accepted a Government position. In considering the question of peace we must remember what our position was down to 1916. The chief alleged difficulty in the way of national peace, it would appear, is that some maintain that a judicial Republic was created in Ireland by the Proclamation of Easter Week, 1916, and by the elections of 1918 and 1920.

--- Page 26 ---
THE TESTING TIME
Bishop Of Cork Praises
Ministry And Army
"The history of the past ten months proves that Irishmen can rule themselves," said Most Rev. Dr. Cohalan, Bishop of Cork, in SS. Peter and Paul's Church yesterday, after the administration of Confirmation to several hundred children.
Basing his sermon on the Fourth Commandment: "Honour thy father and thy mother," he said that it dealt primarily with the duties of children to their parents, but it was also understood to contain impliedly the duties of parents and their children, the mutual relations of husband and wife, of teachers and pupils, of employers and employees, of rulers and their subjects.
He had read from time to time during the past ten months in foreign newspapers that the Irish were not fit to govern themselves, and that the Catholic Church, once so powerful, had lost its power and influence.
WONDERFUL DEVELOPMENT.
"Let us examine to see if this criticism is just," he said, "if these judgments are well founded, and when we shall have considered the part played by the people, the work of the Government and Parliament, the wonderful development and success of the army, the help of the Church, we shall be justified in concluding that no people or nation in the world in similar circumstances could have done better than the people of Ireland have done during the past ten months."
Suggestions had been made that Parish Committees should be formed, consisting of the priests and some parishioners, to organise and encourage the people to resist the demands of the Irregulars, and to beat them off. He could never accept these suggestions. There were no police, no soldiers in the early days of the trouble, and opposition would only mean the loss of life and destruction of the homes and property of the unarmed population.
Besides active opposition would have created a feeling which would last a long time between individuals and between families. As it was, there is very little ill-feeling between individuals or between families.
GOVERNMENT'S PROFITS.
"The Government and Parliament," he said, "have surprised all observers in and outside of Ireland by their capacity, by their hard work, and by their success. Power comes from the people. The Government is but the representative of the people. All Governments provoke criticism, because by their legislation or their administration they are bound to strike some interests."
"What shall I say of our army?" asked his Lordship. "Its growth, its improvement in military skill and discipline, its patience, its success are really wonderful. Last summer the army landed in Passage less than 200 strong; next it was in the city. Starting with that small force of about 200 men, it undertook to deliver the city and the county of Cork for the Free State.
"It has grown in numbers, it has improved in military art and in discipline, it has stations in every town and village of the country where its presence is necessary, it has freed Cork city and county.
"Some people complain of the number of prisoners in the gaols. The military might have adopted a different plan of campaign, under which there would be fewer in the gaols but more in the graveyards of the country, but
they have preferred to take prisoners, and the number of the killed is comparatively very small."
The relations between the Church and the people were, he said, never happier; her power never greater. The support of the Church had been of great value to the Government and to the Army—not that the Church has interfered on the military or political side, but the teaching of the Church had steadied the people, and it has been a strong moral support to both the Government and the Army to know that they had the Church with them.
In conclusion, the Bishop said that the history of the past ten months proved that Irishmen could rule themselves, and gave them solid grounds for hoping for a bright and prosperous future of their country. It was the surest guarantee of the power of the nation to establish and maintain an ordered Government and the reign of law in the country.

--- Page 27 ---
UNACCEPTABLE TERMS
PRESIDENT DISCLOSES BREAK-DOWN OF
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS
MR. DE VALERA MEETS SENATORS
WANTS ARMS STORED UNDER IRREGULAR
GUARD PENDING ELECTION
A fresh peace overture by Mr. de Valera, and correspondence which followed it, were the subject of a statement by President Cosgrave in the Daily yesterday.
While declining Mr. de Valera's request for a personal conference, the Government authorised Senators Jameson and Douglas to lay before him their terms, which provided for recognition of majority rue and the surrender of all arms as a preliminary to the release of the prisoners.
After two interviews with Mr. de Valera, the Senators brought back a document setting forth Mr. de Valera's proposal. He again sought the abandonment of the oath, and suggested that
the Irregulars' arms should be stored in suitable buildings, under their own guards, pending a general election in September. He demanded the release of the prisoners upon the announcement that the storing of the arms was completed.
The Government, in their reply, adhered firmly to their original terms, and described Mr. de Valera's proposal as "a long and wordy document, inviting debate where none is possible." The matter, however, will be discussed in the Daily to-day.
In the Seanad, Senators Jameson and Douglas presented a report amplifying the President's statement, and describing their conversations with Mr. de Valera.

--- Page 28 ---
TREASURES ON CANVAS
F 1 10/4/23
Oireachtas And The Lane Pictures
DUBLIN'S LOSS
Government Asked To Seek Their Return
The public desire for the return of the Lane pictures to Dublin found expression in both Houses of the Oireachtas yesterday.
In the Seanad Senator W. E. Yeats proposed the following motion, which was passed:—
"That the Seanad ask the Government to press upon the British Government the return to Dublin of the pictures mentioned in the unwitnessed codicil to Sir Hugh Lane's will."
This was, he said, an old question that agitated them for some years, and he had some reason for saying that the opposition to the return of these pictures was dying away.
OLD CONTROVERSY RECALLED.
A good many years ago Sir Hugh had established in Dublin a famous gallery of modern pictures, when there were no modern picture leader. He sold pictures merely that he might buy others, and he bought pictures merely that he might endow great galleries.
After he had made the Dublin Municipal Gallery a presentation of the most important of the collection of French pictures outside the Luxembourg gallery, he was somewhat discourteously treated by certain Dublin newspapers and others, and in 1913, under the influence of that controversy, he made a will leaving what was known as the French pictures to the National Gallery in London. He did that to show they were pictures of worth.
HIS CHANGE OF MIND
Two years later, in 1915, when going on a dangerous journey to America, he made a codicil returning the pictures to Dublin. He wrote the codicil in ink and signed it on each page. No document could be more formal except for one omission. He did not have it witnessed. He spoke of his change of mind to various people; and his sister made an affidavit testifying to the authenticity of the codicil.
About twelve years ago the pictures were valued at about £70,000. One picture might be bought at £20,000. The pictures would never be in the market again.
In fighting to recover the pictures they were fighting for a unique collection, which would always give prestige to the gallery that contained them.
Senator Guinness, in seconding, said the hard facts were that Sir Hugh Lane wished to leave the pictures to Dublin, but by a misfortune forgot to have his will witnessed. That being so, there was no doubt the National Gallery of London were the legal holders and possessors, and could not give up the pictures without the authority of an Act of Parliament.
AN OVERWHELMING CASE.
Lord Glenavy, the Chairman, said that he had the documents referred to before him, and they established an overwhelming case in favour of the proposition that the late Hugh Lane not only intended to leave these pictures to Dublin and the Irish people, but that he believed that he had effectively done so.
SENATOR W. E. YEATS.
MINISTER'S OBJECTION.
Professor Eoin McNeill said the object of the motion had been, he should say, concurred in unanimously as an advantage to the country and to the city. At the same time, he thought the resolution should not be adopted in this form. It might create a precedent as certain action with regard to another Government. It would take away from the Executive Council the full responsibility that ought to rest upon them for any action they should take with regard to another Government. The Government could not accept a resolution in this form. No censure on the Government was implied (hear, hear). That being so he thought they should not pass the resolution as it stood.
Professor Magennis, the seconder of the motion, said they did not desire to instruct the Government. They might have adopted an ancient form, and said "we humbly petition the Executive," but they simply asked the Government to take certain action. Personally, it would be repugnant to him that their Government should petition the other Government to do a thing which required an Act of Parliament. He hoped the Minister would withdraw his objection as to a form of words.
Mr. Johnson said the object to be secured was to strengthen the hands of the Executive in any action they would take.
Eventually the motion was withdrawn on the understanding, stated above.

--- Page 29 ---
MONDAY, Frish Juncependent MAY 17, 1926.
MR. DE VALERA ON FACING FACTS
OBJECTS OF HIS NEW PARTY
TALKS OF TAKING RISKS
The necessity for facing facts and for not burying their heads in the sands was emphasised by Mr. de Valera yesterday.
He was explaining the objects of his new organisation, Fianna Fail, at the Scala Theatre, Dublin.
If his party were a majority they would, he said, ignore the Saorstat Constitution. He urged that "the necessary risks" should be taken to secure freedom.
BACK TO REALITIES
NO MERE "FORMALISM"
The building was crowded. Madame Markievicz, T.D., presided.
Mr. de Valera, who was very cordially greeted, said he came there as President of nothing; he came there simply as a private, and a Republican. It was because he had not lost faith in Republicanism he had suggested the present movement; it was because he felt he would not be doing his duty to the rank and file of Republicans, or the Irish nation, if he were to allow Republicanism to be put into the position in which it would appear to be merely a nominalistic formalism.
The freeing of the nation could never be performed except with the enthusiasm and vigour which could only come from the passionate feeling of the nation. That passionate feeling could never be aroused if they were to move away from realities.
NO BURYING OF HEADS.
In the onward march of their movement they should act like a military commander who felt it was his duty to make sure of the exact position and strength of the enemy, in addition to his own strength.
What would they think of a military commander who would go and bury his head in the sands?
The Irish people to-day were as anxious for their complete liberty as they were 10 years ago. Shouting unity was not enough, and some means must be found to bring them together, so that they would go along the same lines, and not pull in opposite directions as at present.
THE OATH.
The weakest part of the entrenchment by which the enemy—the foreigner—maintained his power in this country was the oath of allegiance. "I believe," he declared, "it is in our power to get the Irish people to say, no matter who their representatives will be, they must not degrade themselves and the nation by taking an oath of allegiance to a foreign king."
The point was, it was an admission of the Irish people, through their representatives, that a foreign king had the right to interfere in the country's affairs. Let the Irish people be bold enough to take the first step to deny that right.
With the oath removed the Republican representatives would meet the other representatives in common assembly, and in that common assembly would be the first evidence of the real re-union of the representatives of the Irish State.
THE OTHER REPUBLICANS.
He was sorry there were Republicans who felt that step could not be taken, but he believed it was necessary to separate for the moment in order that they could be united in victory. To him there was no desertion of the Irish people.
His proposals at the Ard-Fheis meant
that neither the oath nor any substitute declaration equivalent to the oath, should be demanded.
AGAINST CONSTITUTION
To him the Free State Constitution would be, as it were, null and void. There were lawyers who would say there were legal barriers in the way. These legal barriers would have to go.
If they were a majority they would ignore the Constitution, which was made by Lloyd George.
Recalling suggestions as to the foundations of peace which he made after the "Cease fire" order by the Republicans in 1923, he said majority rule had run counter to the fundamental right of the Irish people. No majority had a right to give him, or anybody in the country, into slavery.
NO USE IN ARGUING.
The vote of the Ard-Fheis showed, he thought, his proposals to be well-timed; and it was no use to argue with those who regarded it as a departure from principle.
If it should happen that they were attacking a tunnel from different ends, there would certainly be great rejoicing when they met in the middle.
They had to recognise facts, but the fact of recognition did not mean acquiescence. They were no parties to partition, and felt themselves free to use any means God gave to win back the lost province. That could only be done by the people of the South regaining their sovereignty in the 26 counties.
Political independence, he said, could not be the end of all their efforts; there was opportunity for making the nation great. So long as there were people in the country denied the opportunity of getting a decent living, the country was not really free.
THE NECESSARY RISKS
Republican representatives would be well employed in doing their part by stopping emigration, which to-day was worse than any time since the famine; and also in stopping unemployment, which was a disgrace to any civilised people.
That could have been done in 1921 if they had made a successful treaty. It could be done still if the people had the will, and were prepared to take the necessary risks.
He knew the risks, but believed they were risks the people should take, and if they had the courage to take them they would be minimised.
ON A VOLCANO.
Any dangers they ran by facing these risks from an outside power were as nothing compared with the risks of refusing to face them.
They would be all the time on a volcano; there could be no stability, because there was a ferment in the hearts of the people. So long as freedom was denied, so long would they have a section who would plan night and day until they could no longer be kept down. If the people were united, and took the risk for freedom, there would be no need for an army, which could be replaced by a volunteer force.
The meeting was also addressed by:—
Messrs. P. J. Ruttledge, T.D.; Sean Lemass, T.D.; and G. Boland, T.D.
Letters of regret for non-attendance were received from Mr. S. Fitzgerald, T.D., Cork; Canon Hackett, P.P., Ballymackney, Dundalk; D. H. M'Partland, Ennis; John O'Dwyer, Kilrush; Jas. Cosgrave, Belfast; S. Killeen, T.D., Longford; F. Carty, T.D., Sligo; M. P. M'Gloin, Ballyvary.
An overflow meeting in Princes St. was addressed by
Messrs. de Valera, Lemass, P. Brady, S. M'Entee, M'Gann, and M'Caffrey.
SUPPORT IN COUNTRY.
"The division in the Sinn Fein ranks is only now taking definite shape," says "Politicus" in the "Sunday Independent." "The official organ remains with the majority party. On the other hand, Mr. de Valera's party seems to have gathered to itself a number of quondam members of the Sinn Fein organisation throughout the country that is in striking disproportion to the support the de Valera view obtained at the recent Congress."

--- Page 30 ---
V16 MR. JOHN WYSE POWER.
The death of Mr. John Wyse Power occurred somewhat suddenly on last Saturday morning, at his residence, Henry street, Dublin. For more than a generation Mr. Wyse Power was a well-known journalist in Dublin. Born in the City of Waterford, sixty-seven years ago, he was a member of an old and respected family. After leaving school he passed into the Civil Service, but his political sympathies created a condition which compelled him to retire from that service. That was in the early eighties of last century.
Mr. Wyse Power then became a leader-writer on the Freeman's Journal. At the time of the Parnell split, in 1891, he and another member of the staff left the Freeman's Journal and joined the Irish Daily Independent, which had been founded by the late Mr. Parnell. Mr. Power subsequently was editor of the Evening Herald for a few years, and when he gave up that post he devoted himself to writing for other journals and magazines. His wife, who survives him, is a member of the Irish Free State Senate, and her son, Mr. Charles Power, is one of the circuit judges of the Free State. Mrs. Wyse Power was in Paris when the news of her husband's death reached her by telegraph.

--- Page 31 ---
SINN FEIN.
MEETING OF ARD CHOMHAIRLE.
The Ard Chomhairle of Sinn Fein met on last Friday and Saturday, Maire NicShuibhne, T.D., presiding.
After the opening statement from the chair, the report of the hon. secretaries was read. The Director of Organisation and several of the provincial delegates gave details dealing with the effect of the recent secessions from the organisation.
Arising out of the financial report, it was stated that, despite the recent finding in the Free State courts, the election deposits of 1921 had not been returned to the candidates.
In regard to the attitude of the organisation to elections, it was unanimously decided to make the following announcement:—"The policy of the Sinn Fein organisation in relation to the contesting of elections remains unchanged."
The following resolution was passed unanimously:—
"That all Teachtai Dala who are prepared to accept the new policy of entering either of the foreign-controlled partition Parliaments in Ireland if the oath of allegiance is removed, are hereby called upon to resign their seats to Ceann Comhairle, Dail Eireann, and to notify the hon. secretaries, Sinn Fein, of their resignation, as they no longer represent the organisation which nominated them and secured their election."
Maire NicShuibhne, T.D., senior Vice-President, was elected President.
Since March last nine members were co-opted on the Standing Committee, to replace those who had resigned. These co-options were now ratified by the Ard Chomhairle, and, in addition, the following were also co-opted:—Maire Comerford, Gorey, and W. L. Kelleher, Cork. Six others will be co-opted from the six-county area, and the Committee will then be at its full strength of 37.
In future the Standing Committee will meet on the second Friday of each month, at 8 p.m. The work in the interval will be dealt with by the various sub-committees and the Officer Board.
A programme of work for Cumainn was outlined, and a small Committee was appointed to take up the matter at once with the Cumainn.
The policy of the organisation was under discussion, and it was decided to extend until the last day of June the time for receiving suggested amendments to it.

--- Page 32 ---
MR. DE VALERA
1. WANTS TO ABOLISH THE OATH.
31. V. 26
Mr. de Valera, speaking at Cork yesterday, said that the object of his new organisation, Pianna Fall, was to abolish the oath by which the people of the Free State, through their elected representatives, gave allegiance to a foreign Power, and to proclaim one more the independence of the country.
The oath was the first barrier that they must break down. It was effectively dividing the Irish people. When the British proposals were being discussed by the Republican Cabinet on December 3rd, 1921, he spent so much time criticising that oath and its effects that one member asked him whether he would accept the settlement if the oath was not there. He said "No," because the settlement was one which was incompatible with the independence of Ireland and incompatible with the Republic which had been set up.
PRONOUNCEMENT NOT WANTED.
He was asked at the end of a recent meeting in Dublin why they did not take the suggestion of the Irish Times to ask the Catholic Church for a pronouncement on the oath. His answer was that Republicans were not looking for a decision on it, because, no matter what way the decision went, they would still object to the oath, not on religious, but on fundamental national grounds. Ever since the Treaty was passed the one thing he had deplored more than anything else had been the fact that the oath divided the people in such a way that they could never again be united in a national movement so long as it was intact. Ever since the Treaty was accepted he had been considering how again they could unite the people. He had never been able to see how they could unite them so long as the oath or such a declaration remained as a necessary condition for representatives of the people to take in any Assembly.
He said that the oath should go, and he believed that the Irish people understood that the national dignity required that it should be smashed. It was because he had that faith in them that he asked Sim Fein to make it the issue at the next election.
When the "cease fire" order came, and when it became evident that it was no longer possible by force of arms to maintain the Republic he tried to put forward suggestions which would enable the people to come together, and to heal wounds that were caused by war as quickly as possible. One of the conditions was the removal of the oath. The principle of those suggestions was accepted by the spokesman of the Irish Labour Party. The Free State Government at that time signified acceptance of two fundamental points, or rather pretended that those points were guaranteed by the Free State Constitution, which was not true. But they said that they could not interfere with the oath. That was because it was a protection to themselves, and because it maintained them continually in power.
LOOKING FOR THE KEY.
The Irish Times, in dealing with the proposals, said that he was knocking at an open door at everything except the oath, that that door had been locked by the Irish people themselves, and that in vain would they beat upon it until the people themselves provided the key. He now came to the Irish people, asking them to provide the key to open that door, and he believed that they would do it. Everybody knew quite well that there was no Nationalist who could take that oath honestly, and nobody who had been Nationalist could say in his heart that he admitted the right of a foreign Power to rule in Ireland.
If to-morrow the representatives in the Free State made up their minds not to take the oath, it could not be forced upon them.
"We ask the Irish people," he said, "when they get the next opportunity, no matter who they are going to have as representatives, to impose the condition on every one of them not to take that oath of allegiance to a foreign Power."
Dealing with the Boundary Commission, Mr. de Valera said that when the Treaty was discussed it was said that the North-East corner would be made so small by releasing Nationalist groups within the six counties that the North-East could not carry on at all, and therefore the Boundary Commission was going to be an honest step towards the unification of the country. But England had her way. A good deal was heard during the Treaty discussions about the Irish interpretation of the Treaty, but so far there had been no Irish interpretation. The interpretation was the English one, and they wanted the Irish people to give the Irish interpretation to one part of it anyhow.

--- Page 33 ---
IRISH FUND FOR
ARMS.
SUN
CHRON
32-V-14
An Appeal to be Made
to the Public.
MORE GUN-RUNNING.
(From Our Own Correspondent.)
Dublin, Saturday.
A special order has been issued from the headquarters of the Irish National Volunteers requesting that all Volunteers in all parts of the country should turn out to-day and perform a route march in the respective districts wherever companies or regiments of National Volunteers have been formed. The march will take place in a number of centres. Public meetings for organisation purposes will be held. The movement is progressing with amazing rapidity, and it is stated that there are already as many as 90,000 volunteers enrolled. During the past week many Volunteer Companys established in remote country districts have got into touch with the Dublin headquarters, and the Provisional Committee find that their most rosy hopes have been more than realised. They have issued a manifesto calling for funds for the provision of arms and equipment, and directing that an appeal be made for funds by each district. They point out that arms can only be supplied in large quantities and for spot cash, and explain that companies will be supplied in order as the requests for arms are received.
There is reason to believe that within the next fortnight a big gun-running expedition by the Irish National Volunteers will be organised, and that a large cargo will be brought to the coast of Ireland.
An agitation is now being raised by the National Volunteers for the withdrawal of the Arms Proclamation as an illogical act on the part of the Government to the Irish people, but while this demand is being made the volunteer organisation is taking steps to get supplies of arms on a large scale, and there seems to be little doubt among organisers that shipments can be effected without fear of seizure.
The special general order which has been issued for to-day is the first effort in the way of a general mobilisation that has been attempted by the National Volunteers. It is requested that there shall be no speeches or demonstrations, and that a route march of four miles may be undertaken. The general order with regard to the provision of funds and equipment is marked "urgent," and reads as follows:—
"Since not only the usefulness, but the permanent existence of the Irish Volunteers depends absolutely upon their being effectually equipped, and since supplies of equipments can only be obtained in large quantities for spot cash all Volunteer companies will at once take the following measures to secure their equipment:—
1. Each company committee will at once open a public subscription list and will make every effort to secure donations from the general public in aid of the equipment of the National Army of Defence.
2. Each company treasurer will open an equipment account for each member of the company on the part-payment system, to which each volunteer will contribute as much as he can afford, his money to be used only to pay for his own. The company treasurer will kep the record of these weekly payments distinct and separate from the account of weekly drill fees.
Companies which seriously desire to obtain standard equipment will forward the total amount of part-payment made by their volunteers, as well as all donations from the public, direct to the Provisional Committee in Dublin, who will use the money for the provision of equipment for the particular company which sends the money and for nothing else.
"Immediate attention to the order is essential in the interests of the permanence of the Irish volunteers. The Provisional Committee will supply companies with equipment only in rotation, that is the order in which companies have been affiliated to headquarters. The Provisional Committee has considered the question fully, and knows no other effective method of securing equipment."
According to official estimates, the following is the distribution of the National Volunteers:—Ulster, 23,000; Leinster, 25,000; Munster, 20,000; and Connaught, 15,000.

--- Page 34 ---
REYNOLDS'S NEWSPAPER, MAY 31, 1914.
POOR JOHN!
JOHN BULL: "I don't mind not winning the race, but hang it all, I like

--- Page 35 ---
FIRST OFFICIAL
REPRISALS.
TIMES LONDON
SEVEN HOUSES BURNT
3.1.1821 DOWN.
SEQUEL TO CORK AMBUSH
(FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT.)
CORK, JAN. 2.
The following statement was issued by the military authorities here to-day:—
“As the result of the ambush of the police at Midleton, Co. Cork, and near Glebe House the Military Governor decided that certain houses in the vicinity of the outrages should be destroyed, as the inhabitants were bound to have known of the ambush and the attack on the military parties.
“The houses of the following were destroyed between the hours of 3 and 6 p.m. on January 1:—John O'Shea, Midleton; Paul McCarthy, Midleton; Edmond Carey, Midleton; Samuel Cotter, Ballyadam; M. Donovan, Ballyadam; Michael Dorgan, Knockgriffin; M. Ahern, Knockgriffin.
“A notice was handed to each of the above persons stating why each house was destroyed. Each resident was given one hour to remove their valuables, but not their furniture, and the houses were then destroyed.”
These burnings have caused consternation in the district and have brought home to civilians the fact that they will not be allowed to observe an attitude of neutrality as between the forces of the Crown and the Republicans.
We have received the following from the Press Association:—
A report reached Cork this (Sunday) morning that, as a sequel to the ambush at Midleton, large parties of military and police visited the town on Saturday night and held up and searched everybody on the streets. Soon after 9 o'clock Midleton Garage and Engineering Works were found on fire. Containing a large quantity of oil and inflammable material, they were soon a mass of flames, and were burned to the ground. The police and the Cork Fire Brigade worked hard to prevent the fire extending to the next-door premises, the Munster and Leinster Bank, and in this they were successful. Several shops in the town were wrecked and looted. Some houses in the village of Carrigtwohill are also reported to have been burned down.

--- Page 36 ---
SIR J. BYRNE'S
DISMISSAL.
Possible Cause for the
Castle's Action.
DAILY NEWS
STORY OF BIG LEAKAGE
OF AMMUNITION.
15-1-20
Our Lobby Correspondent writes:
I hear that when all the circumstances are known connected with the dismissal of Sir Joseph Byrne, the late Inspector-General of the Royal Irish Constabulary, a different complexion may be put upon the matter.
Hitherto the Irish Government have been condemned in many quarters for what seemed very high-handed action towards a distinguished officer, and the surprising thing is that they have made no defence of their action and refused to give a frank statement of the facts. If, with that misguided love of secrecy dear to the official mind, and particularly to Dublin Castle, the Irish Government are keeping back any pertinent facts, because it is supposed their publication would cause concern in Ireland, it would be at least an intelligible explanation. But the Irish people cannot be more concerned about the grave case than they are at present under military rule.
What I gather is that among the causes leading to Sir Joseph Byrne's dismissal was a serious leakage of ammunition which took place under his régime, and which apparently the department were unable to trace or indeed lately to stop.
The mysterious disappearance of thousands of rounds of ammunition—stolen in one case from a goods station—would, of course, be a serious matter for which, in the last resort, responsibility would have to be assumed at the top of the service. If this proves to be the case it would throw a new light on this last adventure of the Irish Government.
TO TWINKLE AGAIN.
The ban on the "Southern Star," Skibbereen, which was suppressed for the third time under D.O.R.A. on October 27, has been conditionally removed, and arrangements are being made for the republication of the paper at an early date.

--- Page 37 ---
THE MANCHESTER GUARDIAN WEEKLY, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1920.
SINN FEIN INCENDIARISM IN LIVERPOOL.
("Manchester Guardian" Copyright.
This photograph shows the smouldering ruins of a Jordan Street cotton warehouse which was set on fire during Saturday night.

--- Page 38 ---
THE IRISH CIGARETTE
TO THE EDITOR OF THE FREEMAN'S JOURNAL.
A Chara,—All Irish people, no matter what their politics, are interested in Irish prosperity, or at any rate profess to be, but not many of us realise the importance to Ireland of the few pence per week we spend in luxuries.
Last week I was faced with a poster issued by the "Women Workers' Union," pointing to slackness of work in the tobacco industry. I made inquiries at various tobacconists and found that the demand for Irish cigarettes was declining. I visited Messrs. Goodbodys' factory to seek further information, and found spacious and comfortable rooms in a fine locality, close to the open country, an ideal spot for those who must work, to work in, but alas! it was half empty. At least 20 machines were idle, and I was told that 200 girls have been dismissed owing to slackness of work. I have further information that the total number of tobacco workers idle in Dublin at present is 400.
Now, I say that the people of Ireland can remedy this, there is no use in blaming the manufacturers, if they dismiss girls; they cannot be expected to make cigarettes for the ash heap. The persons to be blamed are the smokers, the "penny boys" who buy Woodbine and Gold Flake, and salve their consciences by buying 1d boxes of Irish matches.
The cheap brands of Irish cigarettes are as good as those made abroad, and it is only a case of trying the many varieties made by the different Irish firms till you find one that suits your taste.
It is by taking trouble over trifles like this that every one of us can help Ireland in her economic fight against trusts and trade combinations that seek to ruin our trade, and leave our people through lack of work to emigrate or starve.—De Chara.
CONSTANCE DE MARKIEVICZ.
St Patrick's Division, Dublin,
July 23, 1920.

--- Page 39 ---
GUN-RUNNING IN ULSTER.
Why Radicals Condemn Government Inaction.
Reynolds' Reverendity
By the HON. NEIL PRIMROSE, M.P.
17. V. 14 (Special to "Reynolds's.")
I was a member of a deputation which met the Prime Minister to discuss the question of the Government's policy with regard to recent events in Ulster, and it is erroneous to assume that a majority of us were satisfied with his reply.
The regrets of many of us that no action has been taken against the leaders, at any rate, in the recent gun-running episode, are in no respect lessened by the answer which was received. I fully recognise the efforts which the Prime Minister has made to preserve peace and to pursue a non-rovocative policy on the Irish question. Any arguments which may have been used against taking repressive measures to put an end to the drilling in Ulster, which has continued
Hon. Neil Primrose, M.P.
without let or hindrance for the last two years, fall to the ground in the light of recent events, when the Civil forces of the Crown in Ulster were rendered powerless. Colonel Seely, who, as we know from a recent statement of the Prime Minister, still enjoys the confidence of His Majesty's Government, made the following remarks in a speech on this subject:—
The civil power has been impeded in the ordinary execution of its duties, not on a small scale, but really on a gigantic scale. No group of workmen on strike has ever committed an outrage so grave as that which was committed only a few days ago. The law has been branch on a grand scale, and I say the law must be vindicated at all costs.
After reading these forcible phrases I am almost led to believe that though the Government may have confidence in Colonel Seely, Colonel Seely cannot have confidence in the Government.
The inaction of the Government has created a formidable precedent. It makes the maintenance of law and order in this country an impossible task in the future. It may be that the Government is helpless in this matter. I have no means of judging, and I need hardly say that the Prime Minister made no allusion to such a state of things. It may be powerless to effect any arrests or to secure any convictions. In that case the sooner the country knows this the better. There is no excuse for inaction. I have a firm belief that these views will find support among many who, whether they support Home Rule or not, hold that the first duty of the Government is the maintenance of law and order, and the impartial administration of justice. This principle has made possible the peaceful evolution of popular government, and it is from those who desire its maintenance that I venture to ask for support.

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"IN THE SPIRIT OF
THE FOUNDER"
FJ 14. XI 20
Father O'Flanagan Writes
to Mr. Lloyd George
AN OPPORTUNE TIME
Appeal to All Parties to
End the Struggle
The following message, the Central News states, has been addressed to the Premier from Roscommon by Father O'Flanagan —
"Before expressing an opinion as to the possibility of practical progress along any lines indicated in your message I consider it necessary to have an opportunity of consulting the two leading official spokesmen of the Irish people—Eamonn de Valera and Arthur Griffith. Your Government can facilitate in this matter.
"In the meantime I ask you personally to join with me in an appeal to all parties concerned in this struggle to allow, at this opportune time of the year, the spirit of the Founder of our civilisation so to mitigate their anger towards one another that the desire for peace may have room to grow in the hearts of two neighbouring nations that ought to live in harmony and mutual helpfulness instead of continuing to scandalise the civilised world by writing to the bitter end one more chapter of horrors in their age-long history as oppressor and oppressed."

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"THOU SHALT NOT
KILL"
Attitude of the Faithful
During Present Crisis
CORK BISHOP'S APPEAL
Most Rev. Dr. Cohalan, Bishop of Cork, preaching at the Cathedral there yesterday, said the frequent murders which were being committed were a great shock to the public.
Having referred to the attack on District-Inspector McDonagh and the shooting of Constable Scully, to whose family he tendered his sympathy, his Lordship proceeded to outline what should be the line of conduct of all civilians towards police and soldiers during this trying crisis, when the mode of government had no sanction from the moral law, but was simply the rule of might over right.
Duties of Police.
"Who," the Bishop asked, "are the police? They are Irishmen. Some are single and some married, whose families live in constant alarm lest at any moment they may hear of their murder."
The police, on the whole, faithfully discharged their duties as guardians of the peace, and of social order. As a civil force for the maintenance of public order, police would be necessary, no matter what form of government existed.
A campaign against police, even though not meant to be so, was really a campaign against public order, and already many disorders, having no connection with politics, had broken out since it had been made dangerous for the police to attend to their proper business as a civil force.
National Organisation.
"I am satisfied," his lordship said, "that the National Organisation which the country has accepted, and which it supports, has no responsibility for these outrages."
We are going through a crisis similar to that of the land agitation. Many remembered the Secretaryship of Mr. Forster: how man prominent in the Land League, and who had moral authority to keep the movement free from crime were put into prison without trial as "suspects," and how crime appeared and grew with the imprisonments.
Now, again, his lordship proceeded, we are under the regime of imprisonments and deportations without trial. Every one of our elected members of Parliament is in danger of arrest; I might say under the arbitrary sentence of deportation.
Restraining In Vuence Lost.
The restraining influence of leaders is made impossible, and hence we have those attacks on barracks and on policemen.
"What is their political value? Looking back on the raids, they have not brought us nearer to freedom.
In any case, we have to consider the moral issues. The men who raid would be glad, I am sure, if they could seize the barracks without loss of life.
Let there be no mistake about it, whether an attack is made on an individual policeman or a barrack, to the danger of human life, the act involves malice of murder.
It is a violation of the Fifth Commandment "Thou shalt not kill."
He desired that this law be emphasised and the faithful warned in every church in the discese.

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MADAME GONNE MacBRIDE
E Tol
18
How She is Treated by the English
Mrs. Maud Gonne MacBride, writing yesterday from London to the "Daily Chronicle," says:—"In May last with some hundred of my fellow-countrymen and women leaders of republican thought in Ireland I was arrested and deported to England accused by English Ministers and the English Press of taking part in a German plot which everyone in Ireland knew did not exist. We were imprisoned without trial, denied both legal advice and visits from friends. We were not even allowed by letter to describe the shockingly insanitary conditions in which we were confined. I have been released, my health permanently injured owing to these conditions, both lungs affected.
"For over a week I have been waiting to obtain my passport to my home in Ireland where under the care of the doctor who knows me I would have a chance of recovery. Delay in beginning treatment is diminishing this chance. I have explained this and am still told that the authorities have not yet decided about my passport."

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AFFLICTED BELGIUM.
Archbishop of Dublin's Appeal.
A SPLENDID RESPONSE.
LETTER FROM HIS GRACE.
To the Editor of the "Irish Catholic."
Archbishop's House, Dublin,
November 25th, 1914.
Dear Sir—I have pleasure in sending you for publication in your advertisement columns a statement of the amount of the collection recently held in the churches, secular and regular, of the parishes of this diocese.
That collection, as you are doubtless aware, was held in response to an appeal which I felt it my duty to address to our people, that, notwithstanding the poverty of many amongst them, they should not forget the far greater needs of the afflicted people of Belgium, hundreds of thousands of whom are at present in need of even the bare necessaries of life in their once prosperous, but now ruinously devastated, country.
During my time, now close upon thirty years, in the administration of this diocese, I have had abundant experience of the generosity of our people in contributing according to their means, and even at times in excess of their means, in aid of any good cause that I felt it a duty to recommend to their support. But I cannot refrain from saying that the response to my appeal on this occasion has been in excess of anything that, with all my experience of the generosity of the people of Dublin, I had ventured to anticipate.
Our diocesan collection, as you will see by the parochial returns, amounts to £3,148.—I remain, dear sir, faithfully yours,
*WILLIAM J. WALSH,
Archbishop of Dublin.

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Ringstrauer
Fure Section
The New York Times
Sunday,
March 5, 1922
EAMON DE VALERA FIGHTS ON: MR. DE VALERA,
Former "President of the Irish Republic," Addressing a Huge Mass Meeting in O'Con-
nell Street, Dublin, Against the Treaty With Great Britain Setting Up the
Irish Free State, There Being, According to the London Reports, a Vast
Crowd but Little Enthusiasm.
(Times Wide World Photos.)

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UNFORTUNATE SUGGESTION BY A NEW HAND IN A DUBLIN STORE
The Portland
23 Vall · 1933
THIS BLUE ONE, NOW,
IS BECOMING QUITE
THE RAGE, VERY
TASTY, I THINK
The innocent shop assistant who recommended a blue shirt to Mr de Valera. (No flowers, by request.)

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LATE SERGEANT BARTON
Large Attendance at the Funeral in
L. M. H. Law Co. Kerry
The remains of the late Detective-sergeant Barton were laid to rest at the family burial ground at Keel, Co. Kerry. After the arrival of the train conveying the remains at Molahiffe station they were taken to Firies Catholic Church, where Mass for the repose of his soul was celebrated by Rev. M. P. Fitzgerald, P.P., after which the funeral started for Keel.
There was a very large attendance of the R.I.C. from various parts of the county, as well as many D.M.P. men. The attendance of the general public was large and embraced people of every shade of political and religious belief.
There were numerous wreaths, including one from the Lord Chief Justice.
The burial service was read by Rev. M. P. Fitzgerald, P.P., assisted by Rev. Father O'Donoghue, C.C.
At Blackrock Urban Council last night, Mr. Wm. Field proposed: "That this Council condemns the murders, by whomsoever committed, especially that of Sergt. Barton, as prejudicial to the interests of Ireland in the cause of self-government."
Mr. Brank Stokes, J.I., seconded the resolution, which was passed unanimously.

--- Page 47 ---
Countess
Markievicz.
DUBLIN SAT TOST
Her Prison Treatment.
17-11-17
Of the nearly 150 Irish prisoners now in England, there is one whose case calls for special attention, the Countess de Markievicz, now in Aylesbury Convict Jail. It was generally thought, at least in Ireland, that being a woman, she would be treated with special consideration. It will, therefore, come as a terrible surprise to many to learn that the contrary has been the case; that instead of being treated with special consideration, she has been treated with exceptional severity, and has been denied the small but valued privileges granted to men who received the same sentence as herself. The following facts are taken from a statement of her case that has been sent to the English Home Secretary, and are therefore beyond dispute:—
Marked Contrast Between Her Position and that of the Men.
All the Irish prisoners in English jails—Professor E. De Valera, Dr. Hayes, the Countess de Markievicz, etc.—are without exception, treated as convicts. Certain little concessions were granted them as "convicts" last December. The principal of these are:—
1. They can work together apart from ordinary criminals.2. They can speak together for an hour each day.3. They can have a visit from an outside friend once a month in the presence of a prison official.
All the Irish prisoners except the Countess enjoy these privileges. The men can work together apart from the ordinary criminals; she has to associate and work with the vilest characters. The men can enjoy an hour's friendly chat together; she is not even allowed to have a chance word with them. "She is debarred," says the statement above referred to, "from all these privileges except a visit once a month, lasting three-quarters of an hour."
One may naturally ask—Why are these concessions withheld from her?
The answer is set forth in the statement as follows:—"She is not to have the chief and most valued privilege of association and conversation at stated intervals with other Irish prisoners, not because of any other faulty conduct on her part, but because she is a woman, and it is apparently too much trouble for the Home Secretary to organise a woman's side to the new prison specially arranged for the Irish prisoners."
She is punished, therefore, because of her womanhood. Were she a man she would not be compelled to associate with the notorious criminals of an English jail; she would be sharing the congenial companionship of her friends in Lewes.

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IRISH DIVA'S TRIUMPH
3.1. 1920
Miss Margaret Sheridan Creates a Sensation at Milan
Miss Margaret Sheridan's debut in the Del Verme Opera House, Milan, appears to have eclipsed her triumphs at Rome and in Covent Garden. Her appearance in "Madame Butterfly" created a sensation.
"Never has a foreign artiste aroused such enthusiasm," says the Milan correspondent of the "Daily Telegraph." "Italy has paid her the highest compliment in claiming her as her own daughter.
"Miss Sheridan has created a lasting red-letter day in the heart of the lyric world, and Milan's beautiful gallery and artistic haunt is already echoing her praises, her triumph being the favourite topic of conversation. The young Irish Diva has finally proved that the Italian is so imbued by Nature with equitable artistic judgment that nationality is an immaterial element when genius and art are at his mercy.
"The owner of the Opera House, Countess Jeannette del Verme, a great patroness of the lyric art in Italy, was absent through indisposition, and was represented by Signor Alquati. The manager, Cavaliere Oresti Poli, was nightly complimented on his selection of Miss Sheridan and his exquisite scenic taste."
Press Unanimous in Praise.
The "Daily Telegraph's" correspondent. Mr. A. Beaumont, in the course of his message says Miss Sheridan simply charmed the vast audience from the moment she stepped on to the stage, completely captivating her hearers as the first mellow strains of her voice rang through the auditorium. The Press was unanimous in recording her triumph, which it points out, is rendered the greater owing to the fact that, save for Maestro Ferrari who conducted the orchestra admirably, and the chorus, which was excellent, Miss Sheridan was much handicapped by the inferior support afforded by the other singers.
She was warmly eulogised also as the mainstay of the Puccinian masterpiece not only on account of her exquisite art, possessing the genuine Italian bel cano, "but for her refined and intelligent acting and gracious and expressive gesture, which mingle so harmonicusly with her marvellous facial expression, portraying the most minute action in a most graphic and natural manner. Hence the triumphal success she achieved is described as the dual one of that of a soprano without a rival and of a great dramatic artist."
Tumultuous Applause.
"Furthermore," he continues, "she is praised for her perfect intonation and passionate and deliciously soft crystal tones. which flowed so feelingly throughout the entire opera, constituting a lasting heritage which will vibrate in the memory of Milan's great musical public for many a New Year. Continued outbursts of tumultuous applause greeted her throughout the entire opera, even at the uplifted curtain, and she was obliged to repeat the area of the second act amid an indescribable ovation and frantic delirium. It is a record triumph, and never has a foreign artist aroused such enthusiasm."

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FUNERAL OF LORD MAYOR OF CORK : SCENES OF GRIEF AND MOURNING
(1) The funeral passing along Camden Quay. Irish Volunteers marched on each side of the hearse. (2) Procession of priests emerging from the North Cathedral, where the remains lay overnight. (3) The coffin, covered with the tricolour, and bearing the cap worn by the Lord Mayor as a Commandant of the Irish Volunteers, being carried out from the Cathedral. (4) Some of the Dublin mourners. Front row (right to left)—Mr. J. O'Mahony, M.P.; Mr. A. Griffith, M.P., and the Lord Mayor, carrying wreaths in the is. Mr. P. H. Meade, Cork. In the centre behind is Mr. J. J. O'Kelly, M.P. (5) Irish Volunteers and others from the Presidential Photographs—Copyright.

--- Page 50 ---
BOOKS & BOOKMEN.
EASTER WEEK AND AFTER
18 · VI · 17
THE BULLET AND THE PRISON CELL
In "Memories of the Dead," by Martin Daly (Dublin: the Powell Press. 4d.) the writer, who was on terms of friendship with several of the leaders of last year's rebellion, has put on record "some personal impressions, some "dimish memories" of Pearse, MacDonagh Clarke, Casement, Ceannt, The O'Rahilly, O'Meacin, MacBride, and Sheehy Skeffington. It is the class of booklet that should not alone appeal to a wide circle of readers to-day, but be of especial value to historians of the future, in forming a faithful estimate of the leading actors in the melodrama of 1916.
No less interesting in its own way, and a good deal more exhaustive, is "A Chronicle of Jails," by Darrell Figgis. (Dublin: The Talbot Press. 1s.) Mr. Figgis, it will be remembered, was one of the many hundreds of young Irishmen caught in the great post-rebellion round-up, and deported without trial. His "Chronicle" is a record of his experiences from his arrival in Castlebar Jail on May 11 until his release from Reading on the following Christmas Eve, and, in addition to the two prisons mentioned, deals with his own and his fellow-prisoners' treatment in Richmond Barracks, Dublin; in Stafford and Reading Jails. The continuity of the narrative is interrupted at several maportant stages, sometimes in the middle of a sentence, and the reader is left to bridge as best he can the gaps represented by the censor's now familiar row of dots. The author promises to fill in the missing links at a subsequent date, "when the contrast of edition with edition will reveal other matters relative to these days." As might be expected from a writer of his culture and capacity, Mr. Figgis has handled his subject thoroughly. The book is dedicated to "The Lady at the Gate"—presumably the author's wife, whose heroic devotion to the interests of her husband and his comrades during the long, cheerless months of their incarceration, deserves to be placed on record.