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                "value": "SIR,—There are certain statements in the letters of your anonymous correspondent \"R. J. Y.\" which, \"as an Ulsterman,\" I cannot allow to pass unanswered. The figure 90,000 is a very modest estimate of the number of Nationalists who were induced to fight for the Empire by reason of the Home Rule Act being on the Statute Book, if we include Irishmen resident in Great Britain as well as those in Ireland. As regards those enlisted from Ireland, full particulars can be obtained in a table attached to that very Unionist document the Hardinge Report, with which, no doubt, your readers are familiar. In any case, a few thousand more or less is immaterial. The point is, that at the beginning of the war Mr. Redmond was authorised to call for recruits from Ireland and to assure his followers that, the Home Rule Act being on the Statute Book, it was the duty of Nationalists to enlist in their thousands; and, as a matter of fact, they did so in considerable numbers. Will it not, therefore, be a breach of trust if at the end of the war the \"scrap of paper\" on which these men relied in enlisting is not redeemed? I dare say that I will be met by the retort that not enough Nationalists have joined the Army to justify the Government in redeeming its pledge. Taking the figures given in the table referred to above as an estimate, if anything, favourable to Unionist contentions, slightly less than one-third (89,706) and slightly more than half (60,064) the available man-power of Nationalist and Unionist Ireland respectively had served with the forces of the Crown, or were serving at the date therein given. The difference is not so very great in view of the monopoly of loyalty in Ireland which \"Ulster\" has been endeavouring to persuade the world that she possesses. If this is the criterion by which the loyalty of Nationalist Ireland is to be tried, will any responsible Unionist kindly say what number of Nationalists must voluntarily join the Army before he will withdraw his opposition to Home Rule?",
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                "value": "Does your correspondent pretend that, if the Home Rule Bill had been passed and enforced throughout Ireland in August, 1914, recruits for the Empire's Armies would have come pouring in from that province? I quite agree with him that militant Ulster \"did not hesitate to demand any conditions.\" One of the conditions demanded and obtained was the promise of an \"Amending Bill\"; another, which they obtained, and presumably demanded, was a promise by the leaders of English Unionism (including Mr. Bonar Law) that, if necessary in defiance of the opinion of the electors, in the event of an attempt to force Home Rule on Ulster the whole resources of British Unionism would be placed at their disposal, even to the extent of joining them in a civil war. This promise is rarely referred to now, but it has been made superfluous by the general acquiescence in the dictum that Ulster cannot be coerced. Not till these promises were obtained did the Ulster leader \"sound the riveille,\" and not till well on in September, 1914, were recruits forthcoming from Ulster in any considerable numbers.",
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                "value": "As a matter of fact, the whole procedure of the British Government of that day was worthy of Macchiavelli at his best—or worst. Ulstermen were induced to fight for the Empire on the understanding that their valour and heroism would count as political capital to the credit of the Union. The Ulster leader said in September, 1914, that by joining the Army they would \"strengthen the position\" of the Union. Nationalists were asked to voluntare on the ground that services thus rendered would redound to the political credit of Home Rule. The honest thing would have been to have thrown overboard one side or the other, but hitherto the British Government has, on the whole, succeeded fairly well in having it both ways. The day of reckoning will come some time, and unless Irishmen settle their differences among themselves, one side or other will have to be betrayed. There is a growing conviction among Nationalists that they are going to be the victims. That partly accounts for their diminished enthusiasm about the war. Apparently your correspondent thinks that the Sinn Tein rebellion gave its quietus to Home Rule. It certainly helped to give its quietus to recruiting.—Yours, etc.,",
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                "value": "Trinity College, Dublin,",
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                "value": "January 5th, 1917.",
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                "value": "SIR,—In disposing of Mr. Johnston's arguments, you lay stress on the fact that this war is Ireland's war as much as it is England's war, and that Ireland's honour is at stake. Now, sir, I cannot see what purpose this insistence can possibly serve. We Unionists know it already. Our Nationalist fellow-countrymen will never be brought to our point of view by mere repetition of our views. They know we hold these views, but they do not hold them themselves. They do not think that this war is Ireland's war as much as it is England's war. They do not think that Ireland's honour is at stake. Let us have the issue perfectly clear. Two courses are open to England (and incidentally to us Unionists). We may coerce Nationalist Ireland or we may obtain her help on her own terms. Her own terms would apparently be a recruiting campaign in return for Home Rule, the abolition of martial law, and the liberation of a number of prisoners now in Frongoch. The other alternative is conscription. As a Unionist and a loyalist I ask: For the sake of some 160,000 men (a mere drop in the ocean) is it worth while to risk another rebellion, perhaps, far more serious than the last, to abandon definitely all our claims to solicitude for the welfare of small rations (Nationalist Ireland is only too apt to regard our professions as akin to those of Prussia for the welfare of Poland), and, worst of all, perhaps, for ever to exclude all possibility of friendly relations between Ireland and England?",
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                "value": "I agree with Mr. Johnston that it is not. The best, and only, policy worthy of the English nation (and of ourselves) is certainly a policy rash to the verge of recklessness. It is the only hope of a reconciled Ireland. Let the British Government magnanimously say now: \"We recognise your point of view. We undertake never under any circumstances to apply conscription to Ireland. We will liberate your prisoners. We will abolish martial law in Ireland and administer the Defence of the Kealm Act solely with a view to preventing intercourse with the enemy. As soon as the war is over we will grant Ireland a Colonial Constitution as free as that of Canada or of South Africa.\" Ask in return only the disarmament of all parties for the period of the war, and a recruiting campaign by Nationalist and Unionist leaders jointly—directed towards the voluntary enlistment of young and unmarried men. Ireland will never tolerate the break-up of family life to any large extent.",
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                "value": "That is the most England can hope to get now, and she can only hope to get that by magnanimity. In the future, if pledges are kept on both sides, she may get a friendly and allied Colonial Ireland, ready and anxious to help her at her need. The other road spells ruin.—Yours, etc.,",
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                "value": "Dublin, November 23rd, 1916. \"FIAT JUSTITIA.\"",
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                "value": "Sir,—Mr. Gwynn's article in your issue of Tuesday will, I have no doubt, appeal strongly to many Englishmen. Those whose interest in Irish questions has been nearest and most continuous will, I think, criticise him on two grounds.",
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                "value": "First, Mr. Lloyd George's \"settlement\" was destroyed not by Lord Lansdowne or by the action of any English political party but by its admitted unpopularity with every section of opinion in Ireland, Unionist and Nationalist—an unpopularity so great that the presence of a larger armed force would certainly have been necessary for the maintenance of the settlement than is now needed for the preservation of the status quo.",
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                "value": "Secondly, Home Rule for the southern provinces would have given Nationalist Ireland over to the extremists, not to the politicians who are now moderate men and loyalists like Mr. Redmond. (Much of Nationalist Ireland would not have had the least objection to this. In the recent rebellion many nominal \"moderates\" were only waiting to see how the cat jumped. Had the rebels obtained a few days' more success the south and west might have been ablaze.)",
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                "value": "\"Girondins\" and compromises have no real control in Ireland. They never had. Men of the \"extreme left\"—Fenians, Sinn Feiners, Larkinites, call them what you will—the minority who profess and always have professed hostility to England, are beyond the restraint of politicians. They are followed because until Nationalists join the Army hostility to England is a creed which many of them dare not deny. These \"thorough\" men have constantly and openly proclaimed their distrust in the contempt for the methods of the Irish Parliamentary Party. For the facts your readers may be referred to a very temperately written article in the current Edinburgh Review.",
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                "value": "Can anyone suppose that the south and west, where disaffection has been constantly preached and the English Army repeatedly denounced, would acquiesce in a \"settlement\" and become loyal subjects because Irish members of Parliament wished it? Mr. Redmond and his Parliament men lead (as was once said of the Irish priesthood) in the sense in which a horse leads a cart, because they are driven. They do not sympathise with rebellion, but they cannot stop it. Though they must have known something of what was brewing—or if they did not what becomes of their alleged close relation with the people?—they could not prevent the recent outbreak, nor have they even been permitted to denounce it with any vigour.",
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                "value": "Their strongest denunciations have been reserved not for the rebellion but for the execution of its authors. There are only two possible reasons for this attitude; either disqualifies them from attempting to govern Ireland.",
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                "value": "It seems to me that before Messrs. Redmond and Co. take over the management of Irish affairs we want some guarantee that their authority will not be as openly flouted in the future as it has been in the past. As it is I hardly think that they could dictate even to Mr. W. O'Brien. Of course, the spectacle of the leaders of north and south shaking hands would be eminently gratifying. I hope we may see it. But until these horses can really speak for their so-called followers I fear the reconciliation must have a purely personal interest.",
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                "value": "Sir—With reference to the military court held upon 15 interned Irish prisoners at Frongoch last month I have been asked by a number of people to give the names of the 12 prisoners who have been sentenced to 28 days' imprisonment, with hard labour. They are Messrs. John M. M'Mahon, John Murphy, Patrick Scullen, Frank J. Shouldice, John J. O'Neill, Joseph M. Stanley, James O'Brien, Michael Moriarty, Richard Cotter, Philip Lennon, Philip Murphy, and Clement Murphy. I am now officially informed that their sentences are being served in the cells at Frongoch.",
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